Skip to main content

Full text of "Publications of the Ipswich Historical Society"

See other formats




3 1833 01100 0590 

Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive 
in 2013 



publications cf tljc Sipstoicl; l^i^torical ^ocietr 






IN 1633 



SecoisD Edition 





/V- ■■;,: ... >> V 







WHEN Mr. Waters consulted nie at the outset with refer- 
ence to this publicatioUj I thouglit it peculiarly appro- 
priate that the task sliould have been undertaken by a President 
of the Ipswich Historical Society, and I have therefore done my 
best to aid him, partly by disinterring from family-papers some 
little new material of local interest, partly by drawing attention 
to letters so long ago printed in different volumes, some of them 
now ver}^ rare, that they have been gradually lost sight of even 
by students. 

At his suggestion, also, I have taken pams to provide suitable 
illustrations. The frontispiece is an unusually successful repro- 
duction of the well-known but much discolored portrait of John 
Winthrop, Jr., in early life, — the only authentic likeness of him 
at any period, and still in possession of a branch of his descend- 
ants. The facsimiles of manuscripts relating to Ipswich are 
taken from originals given by me a number of years ago to the 
Essex Institute. Two of them are reproduced in full size, the 
others have been a little, reduced to avoid folding. 

It should be borne in mind that the purpose of this Sketch 
has merely been to glean from a variety of sources, and place on 
record for convenient reference, the principal events in the life 
of the subject from his arrival in Boston in November, 1631, to 
his retirement from the Massachusetts magistracy in the spring 
of 1650. His previous experiences in Europe, and his long 
public career in Connecticut, are but briefly and incidentally 


Nearly seventy years have passed away since Felt prepared 
for his History of Ipswicli an account of the yonnger Winthrop, 
which necessarily contained many omissions and some inaccu- 
racies. Later writers have rarely taken the trouble to avail 
themselves of the additional material wdiich has since slowly 
accumulated. The present narrative, short as it is^ contains an 
assemblage of facts which have been got together v/ith a good 
deal of labor, and so far as it goes, it may fairly be regarded as 
authoritative. In view, however, of the possibility that, when 
least expected, addiiional manuscripts may turn up, throwing 
further light upon Winthrop's coimection with the town of 
Ipswich, this volume lias been stereotyped in order to facili- 
tate corrections and additions v/henever needed.-^ 

Egbert G. Winthrop, Jr. 

1 The original edition, of tln-ee hundred and fifty copies, ^Yas distributed in the 
autumn of 1899. The present one, of three Imndrcd copies, only differs from its 
predecessor in a few slight typographical changes and a short supplement to the 
. Appendix. 

Jaxuaut, 1900. ■ .' ■ • 

This doth testify that I Maskonomett did give to IVP John Win- 
throp all that ground that is hetweene the creeke comoly called Labour 
in Vaine creeke, & the creeke called Chybacko Creeke, for w^^ I doe 
acknowledge to have received full satisfaction in wampampeage & 
other things : and I doe heerby also for the sume of twenty pounds to 
be paid unto me by the said John ^Yinth^op, I doe fully resigne up all 
my right of the whole towne of Ipsw*^.^ as farre as the bounds therof 
shall goe, all the woods, rneadowes, pastures & broken up grounds, unto 
the said John Winthrop in the name of the rest of the English there 
planted, and I doe bind my selfe to make it cleere from the claime's of 
any other Indiens whatsoever. ' ''" i 

Maskonoimett his marke.^ 

"Witnesses to this : ,''.... . ■ 

Gyles FFYEMiN ^ ';:;'■- ./^.^■■■■' '■''.■):''.,■-'.. 

Adam WiNTHEOP " ■■^■'■"'- ^ •, ' ■•■/;. a':- ■^^■^, >•..;■;■■'> ■■:.' 
Hugh Hilliaed 

his marke 

DeANE WlNTIIEOP •.■■>■-■• 

^ The whole of this agTeeraent, with the exception of the mark of IMaskanomett, 
that of Hugh Hilliard, and the signatures of the three other witnesses, is in the hand- 
writing of John Winthrop, Jr., whose indorsement (not reproduced in the facsimile) 
is " Maskanomett's sale of IpsW^^" It was evidently executed at some time prior to 
the deed of June 28, 1638, as in the former the sum of £20 is mentioned as " to be 
paid," while in the latter the Sagamore acknowledges the receipt of " full satisfaction 
for all former agreements." _ ; ..■ . 


7^ }.h(-f-^f^n 41^^^- p^pfrf^^^-^-f^^f^^^^^^ 

-f^ C-yii^ C^"--^/y .cMO I^-C" ■^^- ^ '^ •=^^^«^«- C'r^iiti<- J 

a. l^/i5' y^-j-^i^^"^ t ojiho^^f^ 'fot^^f>4^ ft^J'.A.^ ■; 



H^ "■■■'■'''' • - ' x 

« ' • - . • ./ ; ■ ■■1 

I Musconomiiiet, Sagamore of Agawam, doe by theiso p^sents ac- 
knowledge to liave Received of M"^ John Winthrop the some of Twenty 
poimdes, in ful satisfacon of all the lUght, property and Cleame, I 
have or ought to have, unto all the land lying and being in the Bay of 
Agawam, alls Ipswich, being soe called now by the English, as well 
alsuch land as I formerly reserved unto my owne use at Chibocco, as 
alsoe all other lands belonging unto me in those parts, M'" Dumraers 
farme excepted only. And I herby relinquish all the Right and Interest 
I have unto all the Havens, Rivers, Creekes, Islands, huntings and 
fishings, with all the woodes, swampes, timber and whatsoever ells is or 
may be in or upon the said ground to me belongeing, and I doe hereby 
acknoledge to have received full satisfacon from the said J" "VYintropp 
for all former agreements touching the p^mises or any part of them, and 
I doe hereby bind my selfe to make good the foresaid bargaine and 
saile unto the said John Wintrop his heires and assignes forever, 
and to secure liim against the tytle and claime of all other Indians and 
Natives whatsoever. Witnesse my hand this 28 June 1G38.^ 


Witnesses hereunto . his marke. 

Thomas Coytmoke. 


This deed above written, so signed & witnessed, being compared 
w*^ the original (4 : B. p 381 : 2) word for word, stands thus entred & 
Recorded at tlie request of Captaine Wa^^te Wintlirop tins 15^^^ of feb- 
ruar>^1682, as Attests. ■ : 

EmVAKD Rawsox, Secret. 

'■', ^' ' ' '-'' ■ ■ ' ■ . ' ^ 
^ The body of this instrument is apparently in tlio handwriting of Thomas Coyt- 
more, the first of the four witnesses thereto. 



cl.^ ^'"-:j^^i 

i?l4-.>V^, -CH^^^ 


:^. - //^•S 

i.;#*' ' 

All agreement made beiwecne John Wiiitln-op of Ipswich, Esq'^; 
and Sam : Dudley for the winfing- of nyne cowes. 

It is agreed that Sam : Dudley shall winter nine cowes of S"" Mathew 
Boitons/ wth good hay and. howsing at Chebacco ; and for the con- 
sideration of the same he is to receive three cow calfes, after this manner 
following : that if the nyne cowes shall have but three cow calfes, then 
the said Sam : Dudley is to have them ; but if more than three, the said 
Sam : is to have the 3 worst ; but if the cowes have not 8 cow calfes, 
then to have 2 bul calfes in stead of a cow calfe ; and it is further 
agreed that when these calfes shall have eight or nyne weekes sucked, 
then to be divided. 

In witnes whereof the pties abovesd have set to their hands, 

; ,; John Wixthkop. 

8^18: ' Sa]m: Dudley. 

Samuel Syisionds. 

NaTH ROGEliS, . ^ 

Cows were in those days worth about thirtye pounds a head, but 
sine have bia sold for thirty or forty shillings a head. 
Dec^5 30*^ 1700.2 

^ Sir Mathew Boynton, bart. Isl. P., of wliom hereafter. 

2 This subsequent memoranduiii is in tlie handwriting of "Wait Winthrop, then 
a Judge of the Superior Court and i\Iajor-General of Militia. 

^^ ^ *^ne^ i'(£i^ Jc^^. i^2}i^.y tij:^^ £ /hnihy %^%Al.^--\ 

/^,,I.- ? c«'« c.?44'; /i^-'r^-/-t» 'k<^t- l^J^ufM ^:.//4&^/.{ 

— ■ .-« - •■ /? /:P ^- • /^ <0 ■ •' 


^I^HE pcarentage and famil}^ connections of the subject of this 
A Sketch are sufficiently dealt ^Yith in easily accessible 
works of reference.^ It was a hapjDy combination of circumstances 
that made the eldest son of Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts 
the founder of our town. His influential social position and his 
admirable personality unite to render liim one of tlie most strik- 
ing figures of the early dsijs of Colonial history. -^ He had just 
completed his twenty-seventh year when he led his little com- 
pany hither, March 12, 163|j to undertake the responsible task 
of establishing a new settlement on the frontier, exposed to 
imminent danger from wily Indians and to possible attacks 
from the French, who were in possession of Nova Scotia and 
were thought to be anxious to obtain a foothold in this vicinity. 
But young Whithrop had been well trained for his work in the 
wilderness as a leader of men. Born at Grot on, in Suffolk, 
February 12, 160 1, he was fitted for college in the celebrated 
Free Grammar School founded by Edward YL at Bury St, 
Edmunds, where he learned to think and act for himself, as 
every boy of spirit must when away from home and thrown 
upon his own resources. Later he acquitted himself well when 
a student of Trinity College, Dublin, where he was for several 
years under the care of his inicle Emmanuel Downing, then 

^ See, among otliors, the two volumes of " Life and Letters of John Wintlirop," 
by the late Robert C. Winthrop, long ago published by Little, Brown & Co. of 
Bostou, and the English genealogical work, entitled " Suffolk Manorial Families," 
more recently edited by J. J. IMuskett, 

c ai>«*k..<a»to'«^v^y^jB;WX»i'MlM:.!tol i.S^3i 


resident in Ireland, and he ended by studying law in London, 
having been admitted a barrister of the Inner Temple, February 
28, 162|-. Ilis connection with the legal profession, however, 
does not appear to have been satisfying, and before long he 
turned his thoughts to travel and adventure. Emmanuel 
Downing' s brother Joshua was then one of tlie Commissioners 
of the Eoyal Navy, and by his influence Winthrop was made, 
in May, ].627, secretary to Captain Best of the ship of war 
Due Eepulse and served with the fleet under the Duke of 
Buckingham for the relief of the French Protestants of La 
Rochelle. The mortifying failure of this expedition cut short 
his chance of promotion, but his maritime experiences seem 
to have been agreeable and he thought seriously of accompany- 
ing John Endecott on his voyage to New England in the fol- 
lowing year. With reference to tliis plan his father wrote, 
under date of April 7, 1628 : — ^ 

For your journey intended, seeing you have a resolution to go to 
sea, I know not where you should go with such religious company and 
under such hope of blessing; only I am loath you should think of 
settling there as yet, but to be commg and going awhile and afterward 
to do as God shall offer occasion. You may adventure somewhat 
in the plantation at present, and liereafter more, as God shall give 

As the elder Winthrop did not ally himself with the Massa- 
chusetts Bay Company luitil the following year, this discussion 
may have given the initial impulse toward the unsuspected 
career which awaited both himself and his son bej'ond the 
seas, but the latter decided to postpone his -visit to the New 
World and devoted the next fourteen or fifteen months to 
European travel. The difliculties of communication were so 
great in those days that he mentions not having received a 
single line from home during his absence, but there are in 
print several interesting letters of his own, wliicli show him 

1 Life and Letters of Jolm AVinthrop, vol, i. p. 252. 


to have "been several inonths in Italy, chiefly in Padua and 
Venice, three months in Constantinople, whence he endeavored 
without success to make a trip to Jerusalem, later in Holland 
and elsewhere,^ 

Keturning to London in August, 1G29, he found his father 
resolved to cast in his lot Avith the Colony of which he shortly 
afterward became the head, and concerning which enterprise the 
son expressed himself as follows : — 

For the business of New England, I can only say no other thing 
but that I believe confidently that the whole disposition tliereof is of 
the Lord, who disposeth all alterations, by his blessed will, to his own 
glory and the good of his ; and therefore do assure myself that all 
things shall work together for the best therein. And for myself, I 
have seen so much of the vanity of tlie world, that I esteem no more of 
the chvcrsities of countries than as so many inns, whereof the traveller 
that hath lodged in the best, or in the worst, lindeth no difference when 
he conieth to his journey's end ; and I shall call that m}^country where 
I may most glorifj^ God and enjoy the presence of my dearest frieiids. 
Therefore herein I submit myself to God's will and your's, and with 
youT leave do dedicate inyself (laying by all desire of other employ- 
ments whatsoever) to the service of God and the Company herein, with 
the whole endeavors both of body and mind.- 

. The father sailed, as we know, March 30, 1630, but the son 
remained in England more than a year longer, in order to attend 
to man}'' matters of business and negotiate the sale of landed 
property in Suffolk. He began about this time to develop a taste 
for mechanical pursuits, and one of his letters mentions that he 
had taken careful drawings of Landguard Fort, near Harwich, 
besides inventing a new variety of windmill, which latter he 
describes at length, adding: 

If there may be made any use of it, I desire New England should 
reape the benefit, for whose sake it was invented. Ut soli Deo gloria.^ 

3 Life and Letters of Jolm Wiuthrop, vol. i. pp. 2G3-275. 
2 Jbid., pp. 300-307. 

* Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Series 5, vol. viii. 
pp. 23-24. 


He was soon, however, to Le more agreeably oecupicd, as on 
the 8th of February, 163-J-, lie married Jiis cousin Martha Fones, 
whose sister Elizabeth had previously become the wife of his 
brother Henry. In the following August he and 'his wife em- 
barked, accompanied by Ins stepmother, the excellent ^Margaret 
Winthrop, with several of her children, including an infant 
daughter who died on the voyage. The sliip (the Lyon, William 
Peirce master) was ten ^\^eeks at sea, ]'eacliing Nantasket on the 
2d of November, but ov\^ing to a contrary wind was unable to 
land her passengers in Boston till tlie morning of the 4th_, when 
the Governor records in his journal : — 

The captains, with their companies in ai-ms, entertained tbem with 
a guard and divers volleys of shot and three drakes ; and divers of the 
Assistants, and most of the ])eople of the near plantations, came to 
welcome them, and brought, and sent for divers days, great store of 
provisions, as fat hogs, kids, venison, poultry, geese, 2:)artridges, etc., 
so as the like joy and manifestation of love had never been seen 
in New England. It was a great marvel iliat so much people and 
such store of provisions could be gathered together at so few hours 

During the next sixteen months the Governor's journal con- 
tains but three entries relating to his eldest son : the first, March 
8, 163-}, when the latter is mentioned as having been elected an 
Assistant, or, as we should now say, a member of the Executive 
Council; — the second, Jan. 17, 163|, when an order of Court is 
recorded : — 

That a plantation should be begun at Agawam (being the best place 
in the land for tillage and cattle) least an enemy fmding it void should 
possess and take it from us. The Governour's son (being one of the 
Assistants) ^yas to undertake this, and to take no more out of the Bay 
than twelve men ; the rest to be supplied at the coming of the next 

1 Winthrop's Journal, or History of Xew Eiiglancl, Savage's edition of 1853, vol. i. 
p. 80. A '-drake" Mas a small piece of artillery. 


The third entry^ in March, IGoJ, runs : — 

The Goyernour's son, John "VVinthrop, went, with twelve more, to 
begin a plantation at Agawam, after called Ipswich.^ 

The prol3a])ility is that, in the previous summer, AYinthrop had 
busied liimself more or less in exploring the region ^vithin reach 
of Boston, and that he already had some acquaintance with Essex 
county. Be this as it may, it ^vould seem at first sight a cruel 
lot which condemned this cultured and travelled man, who 
had enjoyed great social advantages and had developed such 
scholarly tastes, to wdiat must have been j^ractically hard labor in 
a wilderness. But we shall soon see that his varied talents were 
destined to conspicuous usefulness, and there is reason to believe 
that this briglit figure w^as the magnet wdiich drew^ to the infant 
plantation some, at least, of its most prominent supporters, and 
gave our towm the exceptional reputation which it enjoyed for 
many decades. 

The early Eecords of Massachusetts, edited by the late Dr. 
Shurtleff, enumerate the ]3ersons in official attendance not merely 
upon General Courts, but upon the much more frequent Courts of 
Magistrates, and it is therein shown that Winthrop was in Boston 
for one or more days each in the months of May, June, duly, 
August, and September, IGoo. It is thus obvious that his resi- 
dence in Ipswich at the outset could not have been continuous, 
and lie dou])yess went to and fro as occasion required. The list 
of those ^7ho first accompanied him contains no allusion to the 
good wives of the settlers, who probably remained beliind while 
the rou2:h beo;innini2:s of the town were beinir made. There has 
been preserved a single letter from Mrs. Winthrop in Boston, 
addressed " To my loving husband, W Jolm Winthrop, at 
Agawam." It is dated only '' Thursday," but must necessarily 
have been written in the summer or autunm of 1C33. Much of 

^ Although this was the first organized settlement, straggling settlers liad estab- 
lished themselves there long before, but they had been "svithdrawn by an order of tlie 
Court in September, 1G30. 


it is in a peculiar cipher often used by him and which he had 
evidently taught his vrife, who adds : — 

I send 4 letters that came by i\P Grant. The peices you writ for are 
not yet ready, but I will send them as soon as I can. I have many 
tilings to write, but at this time I am forced to brake off by reason of 
the spcdy returne of the mesinger.^ - , . ■ . . 

Under date of Oct. 10, 1633, Governor Winthrop mentions 
that on that day a Mr. Grant arrived in the sliip James, having 
been but eiQ;ht weeks between Gravesend and Salem. If the 
^^ 4 letters " just mentioned were brought by him, one of them 
must have been from Winthrop's intimate friend and occa- 
sional correspondent, Edward Howes, who wrote from London, 
Aug. 5, 1633: — 

You shall alsoe receive in tliis shipp 8 woolfe doggs & a bitch, with 
an Irish boy to tend them ... a verie tractable fellow, yet of a bardie 
and stout corage, I am perswaded he is very honest and I could wish 
you would take him to be your servant, although he be bound to your 
father for five yeares. The fellow can i-eade and write reasonable well, 
which is som\^'llat rare for one of his condition & makes me liope tbe 
more of him. He as yet makes conscience of Fridayes fast from flesh, 
and doth not love to hecre the liomish religion spoken against, but I 
hope with Gods grace he will become a good convert.^ 

There are in print no less than thirty-two letters from Howes 
to Winthrop, all written between 1632 and 1610, many of them 
addressed or forwarded to Ipswich or Salem, and exhibiting the 
writer as a man of intelligence and humor, unwearied in send- 
ing iniscellaneous articles across the Atlantic, from " Quodling 
apple-slips," probably destined for Essex orchards, to learned 
works on scientific subjects and catalogues of Leipsic booksellers. 
He repeatedly talked of joiniug his friend but could not quite 
bring his mind to it, for altliough warmly interested in the Massa- 
chusetts Colony he was not altogether sanguine about its pros- 

1 Unpublished Wintlirop Papers. 

2 Collections of the ;Ma.ssachusetls Historical Society, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. 401, 492 



pects, witness tlie following extract from a letter of his dated 
March 18, lG3f : — 

Generally rdl that knowe your father wishe him well, and the most 
proplianest that I heare speake of him doe hut pittie liim for selling soe 
good an estate here for want and penurie in New England. It is the 
opinion of all straingers that knowe you not, that the n'ost of ye are 
starved and the rest cominge home againe.^ 

On the 24th of October, IGSo, Governor Winthrop wrote : — 

1 bless the Lord for the continuance of 3^0' health e & of yo^ Com- 
panye, but I am sorye to heare yo^ house is in no more forwardnesse. I 
doubt 3^ou will not liave it fitt for habitation this winter. . . . For the 
steeres I sent I had worde from you to send one & I knewe you might 
more easyly make use of 2 than one. If none of yo'" neighbo'"^ can or 
will litt them for yo*" owne & their use I will send for them againe. If 
you make but a siead, you may drawe wood & timber enough w^^ them. 
For the old come you desire, I canot lielpe you w"' above one hlid (for 
I have not 2 lefte) but I have bought a hhd of English meale for you, 
w*^? I ^vill send you by the next conveyance (if you resolve to winter 
there) . . . For other things yo"" wife will write to you.^ 

This letter crossed a hurried one from Winthrop of the same 
date, addressed " To my deare wife M" Martha Winthrop, in 
Boston." The first sixteen lines are in the cipher above men- 
tioned, but the writer concludes : — 

Send the peices by William Sargeant and send Johns shirts, for he 
wanteth them very much; and if it l)e the latter end of next weeke 
before he cometh then. send your maide and girle and Elizabeth Strat- 
ton, for the winter wilbe so neere now & the wether could, that it wilbe 
tedious for them to come by vv^ater. But then send a hogsliead of meale 
and a sacke of samp corne ready ground, if he can bring them. If not, 
then a sacke of meale, and make some more sackes & some for our use 
heere, and send some bedding w^^ them. If he can not bring them, then 
the weeke after next send them w^^ John Gallop, and speake to liim 
beforehand to come to bring the maids, & lade liim w*^ such things as 
you have read}^, my chests and such meale as I wrote my father for as is 

J Collections of the ^Nrassachnsctt.s Historical Society, Series 3, vol. ix. p. 256. 

2 Life and Letters of John Wintlirop, vol. ii. p. 415. 



ready, and all your chests (fc tilings you can spare alsoe. Pray my 
father to send me a sow of lead by AVilliam Sergeant. So I comend you 
to the helpe & protection of God, & rest 

Thy loviug husband, 
Agawam, Octo:21, 1633. JoiIN WlNTIlIiOP 

Remeber my duty to my father & mother, and my love all freinds. 
In haste, farewell.^ 

Wintlirop does not appear to have been in Boston between the 
autumn of 1633 and the early spring of 1634, and it is clear from 
the foregoing letter that lie got the house ready in season to 
receive liis wife not long after, but their winter could not have 
failed to be one of some discomfort. On the first of April, 1634, 
he was in Boston at a Court, and two days later his father and 
he must have had a fatiguing tramp, as the foi^mer writes in his 
journal of April 3, that lie 

Went on foot to Agawam, and because the people there wanted a 
minister spent the Sabbath with them and e>-'ercised by way of prophecy, 
and returned home the 10^^ 

The Governor thus seems to have ])een for the better part of 
a week a guest in his son's home, a home v^^hich w^as undoubtedly 
a happy one and which we may assume to have now become 
as comfortable as its simple structure and rude surround- 
inecs admitted of. On tlie 3d of June the son was a^-ain 
in Boston. On the 20th of July lie wrote from Ipswdch to 
his father concerning some accounts received from England, 
takino: occasion to mention a scheme of his own for exchamrino: 
beaver skins for goats, and expressing a wish for more corn, 
together with " some munition ordnance, muskets, carbines, pikes 
& such as -are to be had." ^ He closes with remembrances to 
various members cf his family from himself and wife, from which 

1 Unpublished Wintlirop Papers. 

2 Of the numerous letters in existence from John Wintlirop, Jr., this is one of 
two bearing the date " Agawam," for whicli reason it was given to tins Society by 
R. C. Wintlirop, Jr., in 189G. It is to be found printed in Massachusetts lILstorical 
Society's Proceedings, Series 2, voh xi. p. 3. 


we may reasonably infer that the latter was then in good health, 
but at some time between the date of this letter and October, — 
probably in the latter part of August or early in September, — 
Mrs. Winthrop and her little daughter sickened and died, and 
were laid away somewhere in the Old Burying ground.^ It is 
greatly to be regretted that tliere exists no authentic portrait of 
this lady, the date of whose death and the precise spot of whose 
interment have thus far failed to be identified. 

This sudden bereavement caused an entire change in Win- 
throp's plans. It is not to be wondered at that he felt impelled 
to exchange his desolate home for other scenes and occupations, 
and his father not improbably suggested that he might make him- 
self of use to the Colony in the mother country. On the Gth of 
October, 1634, he attended a Court in Boston and shortly after- 
wai'd sailed for England in the same ship with Rev. John Wilson, 
a letter to him from his father, dated Nov.^G, 1634, showing he 
had then been gone some time. On the 12th of December the 
Governor wrote him : — 

M*" Ward continues at your house this T^dnter, and M'' Clerk (to give 
him conteijt) in his own. M*" CI. finds much fault with your servants 
John and Sarah, and tells me they will not earn their bread, and that 
Ned is worth them all.^ 

^^ Ned " was an Indian whom Winthrop had been permitted by 
the General Court to take into his service, with the right to sup- 
ply him " with a peece to shoote att fowle." " ]\P Ward " was 
our distinguished townsman. Rev. Nathaniel Ward, who had 
become Minister of Ipswich not long before. ^^ M'' Clerk *' was 
William Clarke, one of the earliest settlers, who had apparently 
been acting as Winthrop's agent, and whose name is signed to 
an inventory of the personal effects and live stock the latter 
left behind him, prepared, it would seem, after his depar- 

1 The Ilecords of Boston contain no reference to this child, -^ho is believed to 
have been born in Tpswicli not long before her mother's death. 

2 Life and Letters of Jolin Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 120. 

I »r W Wlli i i M a ir i iiii i ^ i <i<i < f i i rt » ^w i i ii r «»iiwi < « « » i^ i>*| i i i f» i ^i < t i ii^ir i i iii m'ji i i r ii r i l ii « ii 


ture, and endorsed in the handwriting of his fatlier. This is 
believed to be the earhest of IpsAvicli inventories, ante-dating by 
many years those of Mathew Whipple, Joseph Morse, John AA^liit- 
tingham, and Nathaniel Eogers, and it is therefore of pecuhar 
interest to students, illustrating as it does the unassuming sur- 
roundings of a Puritan leader at the outset of a new settlement.^ 
One thing about it is noticeable, the absence of any mention of 
the books known to have been sent to Winthrop by friends in 
London, or those lie must have brought with him from England. 
Many of them, however, may have been packed in the '^ 2 great 
chests naled upp,** or the " 1 chest 1 trunk w*"^ I had ord'' not to 


Mention of the Inventory just alluded^ to suggests a natural 
inquiry as to the precise location of the house in question, and in 
view of the loose statements often to be found in print concerning 
supposed homes of our forefathers, coupled with the fact that 
Winthrop was a land-owner in different parts of Ipswich, it is 
desirable to treat this subject at some length : — 

1. A tradition of uncertain age, which has still some currency, 
identifies the ancient Burnliam house, now owned and occupied 
by Mr. and Mrs, Pcrley B. Lakeman, as the home of John Win- 
throp, Jr., and a heliotype of it as such embellishes the published 
^^ Celebration of the Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of 
the Incorporation of the Town of Ipswich, Massachusetts " 
in 1884. This tradition would seem disj^roved by evidence. 

^ Ou account of its local interest it was given to this Society by R. C. AVin- 
tlirop, Jr., and is to be found printed both in Massachusetts Historical Society's Pro- 
ceedings, Series 2, vol. xi. pp. 4.-Q, and in Publications of the Ipswich Historical 
Society, Y. pp. 24-26. 

* lie is stated to have had stored in Boston, in 1G40, no less than one thousand 
volumes. Several hundreds of them — some very rare and curious — are still in 
existence and testify to the learning and wide intellectual interests of their original 


In lG3f tlie to^Ti granted to George Gidclings sixteen acres of 
meadow and npland "having tlie highway to Cheboky on the 
North East." The region often called Argilla was at the outset 
variously known as Chebacco, Cheboky, Jeboque, etc., the name 
"further Chebacco" being applied to what is now Essex. The 
grant to Giddings was on tlie south west side of the Argilla 
road, about a mile from the town. In June, 16 G 7, Giddings sold 
this property to Thomas Burnham " including my dwelling-house 
where said Thomas now liveth and twelve acres bounded by land 
of ftp Jonathan AYade towards the North, land of Nathaniel 
Eogers towards the West and South, and the highway leadmg to 
Chebacco on the East." ^ The estate w^as held b}^ successive gen- 
erations of Burnhams until purchased by the present owners, and 
there is nothing on record to show that Winthrop ever owned it 
or any land in its immediate vicinity. It may be added that the 
house has been pronounced by Dr. Lyon of Hartford, an expert in 
Colonial architecture, to have been built not earlier than the 
latter part of the seventeenth century, though it perhaps contains 
some timbers of the original structure. 

2. Winthrop undoubtedl}' owned two considerable outlying 
farms, — each of about three hundred acres, — respectively known 
as Argilla and Castle Hill farms, — the former about two miles 
from the town, near Labour in Vain creek, the latter, much more 
distant, near Ipswich Beach. Both were ultimately sold by him 
to his brother-in-law 'Samuel Symonds, and there is not a panicle 
of evidence that he had previously lived on either. On the con- 
trary, his deeds to Symonds mention no dwelling-houses, and at 
the time of the Argilla purchase Symonds Avrote ^Yinthrop at 
length about a house he intended to build." 

1 Essex Deeds, 11: 217. 

2 INIassachuscUs Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. \di. pp. llS-121. 
In "Ipsvtich Antiquarian Papers " for September, 1SS3, is a wood-cut entitled " Castle 
Hill Farm-house built by John "Winthrop, Jr.," but no authority is cited for this 
statement and the edifice depicted is much more likely to have been built by Daniel 
Eppes, who bought the farm of his step-father Samuel Symonds in 1060. See Essex 
Deeds, 2:260. 

f'linjii'Ai fa i'M F rtti-Wii ti if-'- -^i- fa^.v^4'^'-'^^'^'^'"-M--— '■ ■ ^' -- -' — i«iu ^ii a ;j>iWmU i A } t »,*iit i ii mti h i £M m^M ^ kfi * i i i i ^ui& MiJdiih&aii, 


3. A third estate of Wintlirop's, — - smaller, but nearer the 
origmal settlement, — consisted of " six acres of land lyinge near 
the River on the South side thereof." This is one of the earhest 
grants for tillage or house-lot mentioned in existing Town 
Records, but it was not made until 1634. In 1686 the widow of 
Rev. John Rogers, President of Harvard College, owned and 
occupied an estate on the w^est side of the open Green no^v 
known as the South Green, or School-house Green, and in the 
same year she claimed part of the land '^ outside a line drawn 
from M"" Salton stall's fence " and some land " at the end of the 
new orchard before the land of AYilham Avorj, all this upon the 
satisfaction of a grant to M"" Winthrop of six acres of land in 
1634." The town voted her £10 and provided " that the said 
land laid downe shall lie common and be not impropriated by any 
.particular future grant to any person or persons." It is evident 
that Winthrop's grant bordered on, if it did not comprise, the 
South Green, and it apparently included not merely the fine open 
meadow" long part of the Heard estate, but the property at pres- 
ent bounded by Poplar, County^, and School streets.-^ This would 
have made a very sightty location for his dwelling, but there is 
not a line of record, not even a floating tradition, that he ever 
built there. On the contrary, a few years later he disposed of 
part of it, as shown hj a list of property of Samuel Symonds, 
prepared by himself in 1645, which includes 

a parcel of one and a half acres which said parcel was 

part of i\P John Winthrop's six acre lot there granted him by the 
freemen of the town, granted by Winthrop to Symonds by deed 24 
October 1638. 

4. The house alluded to by Governor Winthrop as approach- 
ing completion in Octo])er, 1633, on a site selected by his son in 
the previous jMarcli, must have been erected on what is speciii- 

1 For further particulars of this locality, see a paper entitled " A group of old 
houses near the South Green," in rublications of the Ipswich Historical Society, Y. 
pp. 57-Gt). 


cally mentioned in the Town Eecorcls of 1639 as " M"" Wintlirop's 
house-lot at the East End/' — in other words, north of the river 
and not south of it. The broad and spacious thoroughfare known 
in earliest times as ^^ y® Hill street" and " ye Longe street/' later 
as High Street, terminated at its respective extremities by streets 
known as the '' West End" and the ^^East End/' the latter des- 
ignation surviving in tlie modern East Street. This East End 
bordered on a choice stretch of gently sloping hill-side lying on 
the warm southerly side of the Town Hill, divided at the outset 
into building-lots, mostly of about two acres each. Including 
Winthrop, five of the ten men of the original company whose 
names have been preserved, chose land in this immediate neigh- 
borhood,^ and the three , whose names are unknown may have 
dwelt here also. The common safety required that the pioneers 
should not be far from -one another, and the ideal location for 
the leader of the little settlement would seem to have been 
on the sunny slope whence he could climb in a fevv' minutes to 
its airy summit and sweep the horizon for the sails of incoming 
trading vessels or Erench ships or Indian canoes, besides being 
only a little w^ay from the river, the principal thoroughfare 
in those days and from which were drawn supplies of fish, 
clams, lobsters, and o^^sters. Here there is abundant reason 
to believe that Winthrop l^uiilt. For instance, in the letter 
from Symonds to him in 1637 already referred to, the former 
twice mentions the. latter's '^ neighbor Boreman," implying that 
they were near neighbors, and it is in evidence that in 1635 
the two-acre house-lot of Thomas Boreman at the East End 
was bounded on the north east by the house-lot of John 
Winthrop, Jr., and on the south west by the house-lot of 
William Bartholomew. The Town Records show that in 1639 
Bartholomew deeded this lot, with dwelling-house, cow-house, 
etc., to Lionel Chute, the village schoolmaster, and it w^ould 

1 The otiier four were William Clarke, Thomas IIoNvIet, Thomas Hardy, and 
Robert Coles. 

ife I iiriiii«'li^i( ri iiTi V-- ■-'■■"'' ■•■'■ «<<toi* * »a « »it««i .wt. « f<< n , » i M M , M«., j ^ ^ A ^M t j i n . ^i^,j^ ,. ^< t A^imm^ , A -I rtf ji.-ji:_ 


lend a roin antic interest to tlie spot if we knew that he kept 
his school there.^ 

In 1647 Thomas Boreman sold his liouse and land to Philip 
Longe, the former "Winthrop lot being then owned or occupied by 
" M"" Wade/' presumably Jonathan Wade, one of tlie principal 
men of the town, wliile James Chute, son of Lionel, owned the 
Bartholomew lot.^ This last was sold, in 1692, by another James 
Chute, grandson of Lionel, to the leading merchant of that day, 
John Wainwi^ight, who acquired lands adjoining until his home- 
stead included some fourteen acres.^ The deed from Chute to 
Wainwright recites that the purchaser had previously bought the 
former Boreman lot, which had been sold in 1C48 to William 
Norton and had subsequently been owned by Nathaniel Piper. It 
appears, however, that John Wainwright actually resided, not 
upon his Bartholomcw-Cliute lot nor upon his Boreman-Longe 
lot, but upon the Winthrop- Wade lot, vritncss a deed of his father 
shortly to be referred to. 

By the original grants there were five house-lots between 
Brook Street (sometiuies called Sprhig Street) and that of John 
Winthrop, the latter's behig nearest the road to Great Neck, 
but all running up the slope of the Town Hill. The first, on the 
corner of. Brook Street, lias to-day a frontage of 105 feet. The 
second (still owned by the descendants of Thomas Harris, who 

1 There seems to have been no Foparal*? building for this purpose until 1653, when 
Robert Paine built one at his own expense. 

2 Ipswich Deeds, I: rj;3. 

* TpsNvich Deeds, V: 5.Vi. In IToO Samuel Wainwright, son of John, owned the 
lot, his daughter Elizabeth inhoriiiiig it. (Essex Deeds, 79 : 237.) June 15, 1792, 
Dr. John Manning sold it to Xalhaniol Kinsman, the deed describing it as containing 
2^ acres and three rods, Mith boundaries that make the location certain, and it is fur- 
ther identified as the lot set off to JatiK'S AVinthrop, Administrator of the estate of his 
imcle Samuel Winthrop (grandson of John Wainwright) towards justifying an execu- 
tion in his favor agiiinst j^lizabolh Wainwright, which execution was afterward 
released by James Winthrop to hi.> brotlnu' William and by the latter to John ]\lan- 
ning by an instrument dated ,huv 7, ]7!'2. (Essex Deeds, 152 : 81.) John Kinsman, 
son of Nathaniel, sold it to Joseph liovey, whose daughter, Mrs. John Roberts, now 
owns and occupies it. The }>edigree of this Bartholomew lot is therefore complete 
from lGo5 to the present time. 


bought it of William Sjmonds in 1648) includes about two acres 
and has a frontage of 135 feet. The third, now divided into two, 
has a frontage of 144 feet; the fourth (Bartholomew) of lOG feet; 
and the fifth (Boreman) of 101 feet. It is a reasonable inference 
that these were the original dimensions, and that the Boreman" 
lot touched Winthrop's at the present Hue of division between the 
estate of the late Tyler R. Caldwell and that of j\Ir. Francis 
llovey, the Winthrop lot including Mr. Hovey's land, the lower 
end of the present Wainwright Street, and the vacant lot on 
Wainwright and East streets. It is eminently probable that the 
leader of the Colony, and a man of such prominence as the Gov- 
ernor's son, w^ould have been originally assigned more than the 
average two acres, and while there is no record of any grant, we 
may safely assume that the dimensions of his house-lot had not 
cha^nged when sold, in 1654, to John Jolmson by Eichard. Wells 
of Salisbury. The latter' s deed describes a house and six acres of 
land, w^th Nathaniel Piper as the western abuttor and John 
Leighton on the other side.^ The same property, including a 
house and seven acres of land, was sold by William Buckley to 
Elizabeth Bridgham of Boston, Nov. 24, 1671.^ A few months 
later, Feb. 27, 167o5 Jonathan Bridgham sold it to Francis Wain- 
Avright,^ who twenty years later (April 4, IGOl) conveyed it to 
his son John, the deed reciting tliat John then occupied the house 
and had been promised the gift of it as far back as the time of 
his marriage.^ •• 

John Wainwright died in 1708, and before 1746 his heirs had 

1 Ipswich Deeds, 1 : 504. '' 

2 Ipswich Deeds, III : 197. . ^ ' 
8 Ipswich Deeds, III: 243. 

* Ipswich Deeds, Y : 450. He had married, ^Slarcli 10, 1G75, Elizabeth, daughter 
of 'William Norton, and grand-daughter of Emmanuel Downing, by his second wife, 
Lucy Winthrop, aunt of John ^Vinthrop, Jr. The association of this estate with the 
family of its original possessor was continued later on by the marriage, Nov. 7, 1700, 
of John Wainwright's daughter Anne to a grand-nephew of John AVinthrop, Jr., 
Adam AVinthrop, long Colonel of the Boston regiment and a Judge of the Coui't of 
Common Pleas. 

^a'^>m^ } i^.:^fii:M £!^i4^3&jL^.. a . ^^^ ^ ,^.^^^ji.,S^....^ .^-..-■--■- y.^« , * . i ,. r i . i» ^ .. »~ i Mi« *. f»w>. . rirtfa;:t t M i« ft . K i tf t ft« ,jtii ^ 


sold the land/ on which an ancient cellar believed to have been 
his is still visible. The splendor of his establishment is still the 
theme of local tradition, but to the lover of Ne^y England history 
a greater interest attaches to the sim2:)ler structure which stood 
on, or near, the same site, when the country around was an 
almost unbroken wilderness and when pioneer life was full of 
hardship and danger. Here was the centre of Ipswich social life 
during the first years. Hither in breathless haste came the mes- 
senger with tidings of an impending attack by the Tarratines 
upon Quarter-master Perkins's Island, now called Treadwell's. 
The first funeral procession of which we have any record in the 
little settlement bore hence, in 1634, a J^oung wife and her 
infant to their unknown graves in the Old Burial ground. The 
time, we may hope, is not far distant when some worthy memo- 
rial may be erected to' mark a spot fraught with so much endur- 
ing interest to our whole community, and to the larger circle to 
whom the character and career of John Winthrop the younger 
are winsome and inspiring. 

, r ^ ;. : ;;-■ : III- .', 

The vessel in which Wintln^op sailed from Boston in the 
autumn of 1634 was bound for Barnstaple in the West of Eng- 
land but was driven, by a storm to the Irish coast. He therefore 
landed at Galway and availed himself of this opportunit}^ to visit 
friends in Dublin and elsewhere, crossing from the North of Ire- 
land to Scotland and travelling thence by road to London, inter- 
vieAving on this journey influential persons well affected to the 
Puritan cause, ^* whose thoughts," as his father records, "were 
towards New England, wlio oljserved his coming among them as 

1 Essex Deeds, 90 : 40, show that, ]\ray 3, 1740. a liouse, eiglit acres and three rods 
of land, "being the homestead formerly Coh Jo. Wainwright's," was sold by 
Chambers KusscU of Charlostown to Francis Sayer, or Sa^^^er, whose son and grand- 
son successively owned it for many years. 


a special Providence of God." ^ At Antrim, for instance, lie was 
the guest of that zealous Presbyterian Sir John Clotworthy, M. P., 
who subsequently became first Lord Massareene, — at Ancrum in 
Scotland of Rev. John LivinQ^stone, ancestor of tlie distin'j^uished 
American family of that name, — in Yorlvshire, of Sir Mathew 
Boynton, M. P., afterw^ard an active supporter of the Parlia- 
mentary cause, but who then thought seriously of emigrating to 
New England, though he progressed no farther than sending out 
live stock and servants.- 

A few months later he was empowered by liis fatlier's friends. 
Lords Say and Brook, to begin a plantation in Connecticut, they 
guaranteeing him men, ammunition, and money for this purpose, 
and investing him with an oificial commission, dated July 15, 
1635, vvdiich constituted hiin Governor of the Biver Connecticut, 
with the places adjoining thereto, for one year after his arrival. 
Before sailing, he took to himself a second wife, much younger 
than himself, in the person of Elizabeth, daughter of Edmund 
Reade, of Wickford, in Essex, and step-daughter of Bev. Hugh 
Peter. ^ He and his wife reached Boston in the ship Abigail, 
October 6, 1685, in company with his step-father-in-law Peter and 
young Henry Vane, wlio in the following ]\Iay became Governor 
of the j\lassachusetts Colony. Early in Xovember he sent forward 
an advance-party of twenty men to build at Saybrook a fort, the 
command of which he soon after intrusted to the well-known 
Lion Gardiner, but as large re-inforcements were expected from 
England, he himself remained behind to complete his prepara- 
tions and did not take up his residence in Connecticut until the 
following March. A letter from his father on the 28th of that 
month mentions that his wife was tlien in Boston, where on the 

1 Winthrop's Ilisioiy of New England, Savage's edition of lSo3, pp. 205-206. 

2 For letters to Wiuthrop at this period from Boynton, Clotworthy, Livingstone, 
and others, see tlie seventh vohnne of the fourth Series of tlie Collections of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society and the first volume of the fifth Series. 

^ Her sister ^Martha became the second wife of Samuel Symonds ; her brotlier 
Thomas, some time of Salem, became a Colonel in tlie rarliamentary army; and her 
sister ]\Iargaret, ^Yidow of John Lake, died in IpsNvich in 1C72. 


.ki'ti.idiiitimniAdii ■■itijU.ji 


24tli of July she was brought to bed of a daughter Elizabeth, who 
has been sometimes erroneously stated to have been born in 
Ipswich. On the 4th of this latter month he had been commis- 
sioned by Governor Yane to treat with the Pequots/ and there is 
an undated letter from his wife al^out the same time, telling him 
her time is nearer than he supposes, that her motlier is with her, 
that she has received a letter from him, that it would refresh her 
heavy and sad spirit to see his dear face again, and hoping that 
he will despatch his business and return home as soon as the Lord 
shall see it fitting. He is stated to have travelled at the risk of 
his life through a hostile Indian country to pay her a flying visit, 
and he is recorded to have been present at a Court in Boston on 
the 6th of September. Whether he then went back to Sayl^rook 
is doubtful. Ilis commission as Governor technically expired in 
JSTovember, but the hardships had been great, the re-inforcements 
inadequate, and he took no steps to have it renewed. On the 6th 
of November, his deputy. Lion Gardiner, wrote him : — 

I have received your letter, wliearein I doe understand that you are 
not like to returne, and accordinge to your order I have sent joxiv ser- 
vaunts Robeart and Sara. ... I have sent your cowes up to the planta- 
tions witli 2 oxen; 2 of them we have killed and eaten, with the goates. 
The enemie got a ram goate and all the greate swine, 22, in one day, and 
had gotten all the sLeep and cowes likewise, had we not sallid out. . . . 
Ileare is not 5 shillings of money and noe bevor. I pray lett us not 
want money or victualls, tliat some things may goe forward.^ 

On the loth of December, 1G36, he was commissioned Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of the Essex regiment of which John Endecott was 
Colonel, and that he had then, or soon after, returned to live in 
Ipswich is apparent from the fact that two months later, 
February 1637, he was chosen one of the prudential men of the 

1 His instructions are printed in ^lassachiisetts Historical Society's Collections, 
Series 3, vol. iii. pp. 120-lGl. The same volume contains Lion Gardiner's interesting 
*' Relation of the Pequot Warres," with allusions to Loth John AVinthrop, Jr. and 
his brother Stephen. See also a letter from Vane to Winthrop in Series 4, vol. vi. 

2 Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Series 4, vol. vii. pp. 52-54. 


town. He had been away more than two years, and the dis- 
appomtment cansed by this protracted absence is evidenced in a 
marked degree by a noteworthy and patlietic letter to him from 
Rev. Nathaniel Ward, dated only ^^ Ipswich, Dec. 24.", but evi- 
dently written in 1635, when Wmthrop was first preparing to go 
to Saybrook. The purpose of it was to disclose a not altogether 
satisfactory state of things. 

Our towue of late []Mr. Ward ^Yrites] but somewhat too late, have 
bene careful! on ^Yhome they bestowe lotts, beiug awakned therto by 
the confluence of many ill & doubtfull persons, & by their behaviour 
since they came, in drinking & pilferinge. ... The reasons whicli 
move our freemen to be very considerate in the disposal! of lotts & 
admission of people to us are thes : fllrst, we conceive the lesse of 
Satan's kingdome v/e have in our towne, the more of Gods j)resence & 
blessinge w^e may expect. 2*^, Vv^e have respect to the creditt of our 
Church & towne, from which we heare there are too many unjust detrac- 
tions in the bay, to seiwe their own ends. 3^-% we consider our towne as 
a by or porte towne of the land, remote from neighbours, & had neede 
to be strong & of a homogeneous spirit & people, as free from danger- 
ous persons as avc may. Lastly, our thoughts & feares growe very sadd 
to see such multitudes of idle & profane young men, servants & others, 
with whome we must leave our children, for whose sake & safty w^e 
came over, & who came with us from the land of their nativity, their 
freinds & many other comforts whicli their birthright intitled them to, 
relying upon our love, wisdome & care to re})ay them all in this wilder- 
ness either in s])ecie or compensations ; but I must confcsse it sinks us 
almost to tlie grave to looke upon the next generation to whome we 
must leave them & the fruite of our adventures, labours, & counsells. 
We knowe this might have bene easily prevented by due & tymely care 
of such as had the opportunity in their hand ; & if it be not yet remedied, 
we & many others must not only say, with grief, we have made an ill 
change, even from the snare to tlie pitt. . . . 

We have our eyes upon you magistrats to helpe us : & now, good S**, 
give me leave w^^ patience to tell you, w^ I did before you went to Eng- 
land, y* your absence hath bredd us much sorrowe, & your stil goinge 
from us to Connecticote doth much discourage us. I feare your tye or 
obligation to this State t^' in special! to this towne is more then you did 
well consider wlien you ingaged your selfe anotli'" way, & I feare your 
indeavo'"s that wa^Mvil! not be ojwrac ac spci 'jrrctmm. I am in a dreame, 


at least not awalvc, if it be the way of God for so many to desert this 
place, turning their backs upon us, & to seeke the good of their cattell 
more then of Com^^ & my thouglits are that God doth justly rebuke our 
State by the losse of so many men, vessells, & victualls in a tyme of 
dearthe, for their facility in giving way to their departure. For your 
parte, we looke Sc long for you here & are in a miserj- for the want of 
you. Tlie Lord bring joii in his season, & in the meanc tyme afford 
you his p^scnce & blessinge whereever you are. ... 

I heare M^ Coddington hath the saile & disposall of much provision 
come in this sliipp. I entreato you to do so mucli as to speak e to him 
in my name to reserve some meale & malt, & Avhat victualls els he 
thinks meete, til our river be open. Our Church will pay him duely 
for it. I am very destitute, 1 have not above 6 busliells corne left, & 

oth'" tliinofs answerable.^ 

- \ •♦ -• 

So gentle and loving an aj)peal from a man so capable of keen 
satire and fearless rebuke, betokens a j)rofound regard on liis part, 
and tbrougbout the t^wn, for their young leader ; but, as we lia'S'e 
seen, tliey bad to "wait another twelyemonth. 

In the summer of 1637 arose a fresh occasion of disquiet, from 
a rumor that Wintlirop was about to be appointed to the respon- 
sible post of Commander of the Castle at Boston, which would 
have taken bim much away from Ipswich and probably have 
necessitated the removal of his family. What foundation there 
was for this report can not now be ascertained. Governor Win- 
tlirop bad felt deeply the successive deaths of his second and third 
sons since his departure from England ; the fourth, Stephen, had 
been mucli absent ; while the younger ones had as yet no experi- 
ence of affairs. He might thus have preferred that bis eldest son 
should live nearer to him ; but if such a plan was ever entertained, 
nothing came of it at that time, wbicli may have been due to the 
following petition, signed by fifty-seven of the principal inhabit- 
ants of Ipswich. 

2h our much honored Gov'' Sf Counsello''* att Boston, these. 
Our humble duties & respects premised : understanding there is an 
Intention to call i\P Winthrop Jun from us & to remitt the Custody of 

1 Collections of the lilassacliusetts Historical Society, Series 4, vol. vii. pp. 24-26. 


the Castle to him, we coukl not, out of the entire affection we heare to 
him & liis welfare, hut hecome earnest petitioner^ to your worship^ that 
you would not deprive our Church & 'J'owue of one whose presence is so 
gratefull (Sc usefull to us. It was for his sake that many of us came to 
this place & w"'out liim we should not have come. His abode with 
us hath made our abode hore much more comfortable than otherwise it 
would have bene. J\P Dudley's leaving us liath made us much more 
desolate & weake than we were, & if we sliould loose anotl/ magistrate 
.it would be too great a grief to ns & breach npon us, & not a magistrate 
only but our Lieutenant Colonell so beloved of our Soldiou" & military 
men tliat this remote Corner would be left destitute & desolate. Neitli'* 
can we conceive but that this removall from ns will much prejudice & 
unsettle him ; the place lie is choseji unto we feare will neith'" mayntaine 
him & his company comfortably nor prove certaine to him, but upon 
sundray occasions mutable. It Avould be very uncomfortable to him, as 
we suppose, to live upon others maintenace, or to neglect that portion 
of land & love which God hath given him amongst us. The imjn'ovall 
of his estate iiere we hope will prove a better & surer" support then a 
yearly stipend from the country, w*"'^ hatli groaned iuucIj under the bur- 
then of that Fort already. AVe fnid his affections great & constant to 
our Towne & we hope ours shall never faile towards him & his. AYe 
therefore humbly beseech you that we may still injoy him, & that you 
would not expose him to so solitary a life & a ]»lace where we hope there 
will not be much use of him ; nor us to the losse «S: want of one so much 
desired of iis. The distance we are sett in hatli made us earnest for the 
company of able men & as loath to loose them when we have obtained 

Thus hoping you will ])lease to consider <fc tender our condition, we 
humbly take our leaves, resting 

You'^ worp^ in all due serviss, 


Nath^ Wahde. 

joiix noiiton. 

Dantell Dexison. 

Samuell Appletox. 

Thomas Be ess ye. 
Eobertt Axdkewes. W: Hubbard. 

Joseph , Joxathax AYade. 

Chptstopher Osgood. \Yn.LiA:\r AVhite. 

JoHX PerivIXS, Jouner. Johx PipjvIxes, Senar. . 



George Car. 
John Tuttell. 
Richard llAmELD. 
George Giddtxgs. 
Edavard Gardner. 
John Satchwell. 
John Saunders. 
John Severnes. 
Antony Colby. 
Robert Mussj. 
John Peekins, 
Nathaniell Bishop. 
John Coyentitk. 
Allen Perley. 
John Proctj:r. 
Thomas Howlttt. 
WiLLiAiM Fuller. 
Alexander Knight. 
Thomas Hardy. . 

Richard Jacob. 

Philip Fowler. 

William Goodhtjbs --^-■•.■..- . 

Roger Lancton. . ; . ; ■•^v'- - 

Thomas Dorm an. 

Joseph IVIedcalee. 

Thomas P>orman. 

John Webster. 

Robert Lord. 

Thomas Wells, 

John Gassett. 

John Coggs\vell. 

Humfrie P>rodstree. 

Thomas Cooke. 

Heughe Sherratt. 

Edward KATCHHai:\i. 

Thomas Clark. 

John Gage. 



Henri Pinnder. 

Samitell Sharman. • ...;•,...... 

John Jhonson. 
Thomas French. 

Son^e of us tliat are BicmLci'S of the Clmrcli at Boston are bold to 
clajnne tins promise from I\P Wintlirop for w liome we write, that if we 
would come liith' w^^ him he ^Youkl not forsal^e us hut live & die w^^ us. 
Upon these j)roraises we came w*^^ him to heginn this plantation, and 
they Avere made tq us upon the proposall of our feares tkit when we 
were drawne hitli'* he should be called way from us. And we both 
desire and hope that they may be ahvayes remembered & pformed.^ 

A careful comparison of the manuscript of this petition with 
that of Nathaniel Ward's letter just quoted^ shows that they were 

1 This manuscript ^vas found amon,^ the Wintlirop Papers and wa*f5 first published 
in the Proceedings of the Massaclmsetts Historical Society for January, 1S87, when 
several signatures %vere inaccurately printed. On account of its local interest the 
original was then given to the Library of the Essex Institute, but a facsimile is here 
inserted. So far as the contemporary indorsement can be deciphered it reads " Ipsw'' 
Letter &c " in the handwriting of John AVinthrop, Jr., but as a modern indorsement was 
added at the close of the last century, the cover and superscription are not reproduced. 

^i0ai u iiim *'<ii»^ 

t »iaai.«;witii«»ifc»;t8ai<iffi;iii«>k<«*iii»tiifitMiriii>.j6 

funiM ■Suhc'i^^ ''^ff<'rl\ ■x/c^rntf^ : f^n&&utcxu%'^^^^7i 

^UU^cx-cryU^^tf Q>S~/7ni TOAXfCiJSiM^ 

Ji^n ^erttin 




:-. 1 - 

'^/l/- fett-^'. . ■„.! ,' tV^;,^C4^,^^I:tae 

r-1rA--< rj -'-^ 

6^- V "g^^^''<' 


iJ,^'>^^s^^i-^;tT ^/?;f^-<jVK'vv^" \ C^J^'^^.V/ .j£*j^2^. 





Of ^ 

vs.- .^v i ■«-... .r _"_; 


-* ? ' 




•••* .-^ : -_-...^-,,--. 

■ ^ _ .^ ■ • _T. 

..'> ,\ 



both written by the same person, though in the former the writ- 
ing is more hurried, as if the writer were in ha.ste. However 
complimentary to Winthrop may be the body of tlie document, 
the postscript from some of the signers embodies a serious charge, 
in view of his uUimate removal fi*om the town. All that can be 
said with certaiiit}' is tliat there is not known to exist any evi- 
dence in support of it. lie appears to have headed the Agawam 
plantation in 1633 only at the desire of his father and his col- 
leagues in the magistracy. It does not seem probable that so 
cautious a man as Governor Winthrop would have consented that 
his favorite son should pin himself down, at tlie age of twenty- 
seven, ^' to live and die " in wliat was then a remote corner of 
New England. It seems fair, therefore, to assume that some 
misapprehension existed witli regard to the precise language njade 
use of at the outset, and that no distinct pledge was given on the 

Winthrop was prol)ably absent when the petition was signed, 
as he is recorded to have attended a Court in Boston only a fort- 
night before. During the spring and summer of 1G3T he 
attended five such Courts. A long letter to him from Samuel 
Symonds, — without date, but undoubtedly written before Dec- 
ember 14, 103,7,^ — shows that he had just sold his brother-in-law 
his Argilla farm, — part apparently of the tract referred to in the 
first of the two Indian deeds, — but that this sale indicated no 
purpose of immediate removal is clear from a postscript to the 
same letter where Symonds writes, '^ my wife is very glad that 
she shalbe your neighbor at Ipswich." A little later the fol- 
lowing entry appears in the Town Eecords, under date of 
Jam 13, 1637: — 

Granted to INP Jolin Winthrope, Castle Hill and all meadow and 
marsh lying within the creeke, provided y^ he lives in the Towne and 
that the Towne may lune what they shall need for the building of a Fort. 

^ Massacliusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. pp. 118-121. 


Much obscurity attaches to this Castle Hill grant. Felt (not 
always accurate) assigns to it the date Feb. 11^ 163|, while 
Samuel Syraonds, writing long afterw^ard, as will appear, says it 
was Aug. 6, 1638. The probability is that there were several 
grantS; confirmatory or explanatory of one another. The matter 
might be cleared up if the Reverend Hugh Peter had been in the 
habit of fully dating his letters. From " Salem, 5 day " (in what 
month and year we can only conjecture) he wrote Governor 
Winthrop : — 

I was at Ipswich where tlie towne have dealt yqtj nobly witli your 
son, & given him another farrne neere the towne called Castle-hill, 
where he hath 100 akers of meadow, & all in tire to himself e ; but of 
this he hath written to you.^ 

It is unfortunate that this letter from "Winthrop to his father 
has never been found, as it would probably have explained much 
that is now uncertain and perhaps have shown that the condition 
^^ provided he live in the town " was intended to be construed 
liberally, or to be subsequently released. It was perhaps in 
answer to it, though Castle Hill is not referred to, that Gov. 
Wmthrop w^rote, Jan. 22, 1G3|, to ^^my very loving son j\? John 
Winthrop at Ipswich " : 

I received your letter, and heartily rejoice and bless the Lord for his 

m"erciiul providence towards us all in delivering your wife from so greate 

a danger. The J^ord malvC us truely thankful!. And I hope it will 

'teach my daughter and other women to take heed of putting pins in the 

mouth, whicli was never seasonable to be fed with such morsels 

We have appointed the General Court the 12 of the 1 moneth. [March 
12. 103|-] We shall expect you here before the Court of Assistants. 
I send 3'ou herein the warrant for Ipswich and Newbury. Commend 
me to your brother and sister Dudley.- 

That he took his wife with him when he started to attend this 
Court of Assistants seems clear from the fact that his first son, 

1 ^rassacliusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. p. 103. 

2 Life and Letters of Joliu Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. 217-218. 

■i. -^ ' 

*'"« A '*ift: > yr''rf±:'^ix' . ? ?'.°: ' — ' ?i*^ - ^^ 


who lived to figure very prominently in Connecticut history, was 
born two days after the General Court met. A family tradition 
of uncertain date assigns this birth to Ipswich, but the Records 
of Baptisms in Boston printed in recent ^^ears include the follow- 
ing entry in the year 1638: — 

Fitz-Jolm, son of INP John & Elizabeth Winthrop, born 14''^ 1^* month. 
[March 14. 163f ] 

Although IpsAvich^ as already stated, w^as considered " the best 
place in the Bay for tillage .and cattle," yet Winthrop appears to 
have made up his mind at the outset, that the prosperity of all 
parts of New England would be best served by the encourage- 
ment of commercial and manufacturiug pursuits. As early as 
September 3, 1633, he had liberty ^Ho sett upp a trucking-house 
upp Merrymak rj'ver;"^ in the following summer we fnid him 
trading in furs;^ wdiile on the 25th of June, 1638, he received 
authority to set up salt-w^orlis at By all-Side, then part of Salem 
though now of Beverly, where he was allowed W'ood enough to 
carry on the w^orks and pasture for two cows.^ How long it took 
him to get these works in operation is uncertain, but that he had 
just taken up his abode there in May, 1639, would appear from 
the following letter, which presents a pleasing domestic picture : — 

To my Scare ^V^fe j\I'^ Elizabeth Wuit/irop, at Boston. 

My deare Wife, — When my ])rotlier Stephen went hence I was 
not up nor well, so that I could not write to thee. I thank God I am 
now much better than I was when he left me. Though I muche desire 
to enjoy thy compan}-, yet I A\'oukl not have thee cross tliy intentions 
in staying till that time be passed. I liope to fetcli thee home myself, 
but am yet prevented. 

1 Kecords of iMass., \oL i. p. 108. 

* Felt's History of Ipswicli, p. 73. 


I can gett no garden inclosed nor digged, but I licare that in newe 
ground it is best to begin wlien the \veedes are sprung up, for then they 
will be all killed and growe no more that yeare. Put my brother 
Stephen in minde to send nie ni}^ carbine, as lie promised me. So with 
my best affections and love to thee I commende tliee to the Lord, and 
rest Thine in my best affections, 


From the Salt House, IMonday morning. 

My duty to my mother. IMy love to my brothers & all friends for- 
get not. jMy blessing to Betty and Fitz. My brother Stephen hath 
promised to bringe thee home when thou comest.^ 

As he is recorded to have attended a Court in Boston May 
22, 1639, it is conjectured that he had taken this opportunity to 
leave his wife and children at his father's until the Eyall-Side 
house was ready for them. Two other undated letters followed. 
In the first of them he tells his father that he '^ expected my wife 
and her little ones by the last pinnace." She had evidently joined 
him before the second letter was written, as in it she sends mes- 
sages to friends in Boston.^ There has been preserved his rough 
draft of a Latin letter to his friend Professor Golius of Leyden, 
introducing young Francis Higginson who was about to study 
in Europe. It is distinctly dated " Salemi in Nova Anglia, 
Novemb : 20. 1G39," and a little later Winthrop is for the first 
time addressed by his friend Edward Howes as " at his house in 
Salem, or elsewhere." All this implies that his domicile w^as 
transferred to Sajem in the spring of 1G39, but no efforts to dis- 
cover precisely when he sold or leased his Ipswich house have 

1 This letter was first printed by Savage in the Appendix to the first volume 
of Winthrop's Xevv England, and the date tentatively assigned to it was " May 
1638 or 1639." It was subsequently ascertained that the salt-works were not under- 
taken as early as the spring of 1638, and that Stephen "Wiuthrop was then absent in 
England. There can hardly be a doubt that 1639 was the year. 

2 These two letters were printed many years ago in tlie eighth volume of the 
Fifth Series of the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, the editors of 
which assumed them to have been written from Ipswich. Subsequent investigation 
showed that the persons mentioned were not ox Ipswich and that the words "heere " 
and '* of this towne " apply to Salem. 


thus far proved successful. That he had not wholly severed his 
connection with the town is shown hy the following letter to him 
from Eev. Ezekiel Ilogers : — 

Honoured Sir, • — I was at Ipswich this weeke to have attended on 
you, hut you were gone to the Court ])eforc 1 came. I Immbly thanke 
you for your kindc purpose to have scene our poore towne. In regard 
of your many huisinesses, much company, & short time, I could not 
expect such a favour at this time. But God may afford some oppor- 
tunity, when you may have more freedome. The season yesterday & 
this day hath hindred m}^ fixed resolutions of wayting on you, my body 
being not strong, especially since my sicknesse. Therefore I beseech 
you to excuse me, & so with my service to yourselfe & the rest of our 
honoured magistrates, I committ you to God, & rest 

At your Commande, 
. ; ^ Ez: Rogers.^ 

. The reference to his " many huisinesses, much company, and 
short time " indicates that he was then a good deal on the move, 
and he certainly had reason to be, in view of an unexpected dis- 
aster, intelligence of wdiich undoubtedly reached him early that 
autumn, though it did not become common talk till later. Unlike 
his father and grandfather, the elder John "Winthrop was not 
what is familiarly known as ^^ a good manager." Besides having 
a numerous and expensive family, with a pronounced taste for 
hospitality, he had been in tlie habit, from the very outset, of 
spending no inconsiderable portion of his substance on the Colony. 
Absorbed in public affairs, he had been unwise enough to leave 
the management of his private concerns largely to others, and 
he one day suddenly discovered that an important sum had dis- 
appeared and that the agent he most trusted had run him heavily 
in debt. By assistance from relatives and friends, and a material 
reduction of liis domestic expenses, his liabilities were gradually 
discliarged, but he was a crippled man for the rest of his days, 

1 Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Series 4, vol. vii. p. 205. 
The words '• our poore towne " refer to Rowley, wliicli Ezekiel Rogers began the set- 
tlement of, with sixty families, in the spring of 1G39. The Court which "Winthrop 
had gone to attend was apparently the one held in Boston in September of that year. 


"which made a serious change in tlie position of ]iis eldest son.^ 
The latter had originally heen heir of entail to the family-estate 
in Suftollv, hut in order tliat a suitahle settlement might he made 
upon his step-mother and her children, to whom he was tenderly 
attached, he voluntarily relinquished this entail in 1631, takhig 
his chance of a corresponding inheritance in the New "World, — a 
chance which was now failing him. Be possessed, however, a 
snug independent property in his own riglit, derived partly from 
his motlicr and partly by marriage. This enabled him to come 
promptly to his father's assistance, an exhibition of filial piety 
which is touchingly alluded to in a striking letter to him from the 
latter, dated a few years later and hrst printed by Mather in his 
Magnalia : — 

You are [wrote tlie Governor] tlie chief of two fiiniilies. I had by 
your mother three sons and three daughters, and I had with her a large 
portion of outward estate. Tliese are now all gone ; mother goiie, 
brethren and sisters gone ; you oiily are left tj;) see the vanity of these 
temporal things and leai'u wisdom thereby, ^^-hich may be of more use 
to you, through the Lord's blessing, than all tliat inlieritance whicli 
might have befallen you ; and for which this may stay and quiet your 
heart : that God is able to give you more than this, and that it being 
spent in the furtherance of his work, wliicli here hath prospered so well 
through his power hitherto, you and yours may certainly expect a liberal 
portion in the prosperity and blessing thereof, hereafter ; and the rather, 
because it was not forced from you by a father's power, but freely 
resigned by 3'ourself out of a loving and filial respect unto me, and your 
own readiness unto the work itself. 

His friends evidently learned that he was short of money, and 
in November, 1G39, the General Court ordered the town of Ipswich 
to refund the £20 he had formerly paid the Sagamore ; " while it 

1 Among tlie numerous letters of sympatliy received by the Governor at this try- 
ing period ^ve^e.t^vo from Giles Firmin in Ipswich. The earliest (Dec. 10, 1G39) is to 
be found in the Hutchinson Papers ; the second (Feb. 12, 1610) in the Fourth Series 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, vol. vii. 

2 See ante, Indian Heeds; and Records of Mass., vol. i. p. 279. In quoting prices 
of that period, the relative purchasing-power of money is not always taken into 
account. Some authorities now^ rate a pound sterling in the reign of Charles I. at 
from eight to ten times its present value. £20 would thus have been nearly .$1000. 

♦> \^ .\ji: 


would appear, from a letter from Hugh Peter to his father, that 
the former had undertaken to arrange for his step-son-in-law the 
sale of Castle Hill. This letter is dated only '^ Salem, G'' Sept.", 
but as there is another letter from him unquestionably written on 
Sept. 6, 1640, and as before Sept. 6, 1G41, Peter had left New 
England never to return, the letter in question must have been 
written in 1G39, though nothing further has been ascertained 
concernmo: the nes^otiation tlius referred to : — 

Wee are just now about meeting i\P Hubbard and 3 more of Ipswich 
to sell your sons Castle Hill to them, but you Vv^ould wonder to see their 
dodging, n they have it they must pay for it in some measure, else it 
would be more honorable for liim to give it.-^ 

To the realization that the future maintenance of a growing 
family must henceforth depend chiefly upon his own exertions is 
doubtless attributable the great activity displayed by him during 
the next ten years, during which the Colon}:: passed through a 
period of much financial depression. How long he made Salem 
his headquarters is as uncertain as when he left Ipswich. His 
daughter Lucy w^as born in Boston Jan. 28, 1G||, and he attended 
six Courts there at intervals in 1640; but that he was still inti- 
mately connected with Essex county would appear from his 
appointment to two local commissions, one to determine the 
bounds of Jeffrj^es Creek, now Manchester, the other to settle 
the bounds between Ipswich, Jeff ryes Creek, and Cape Ann.^ 
His familiarity with the Connecticut coast led him to avail him- 
self of a favoraljle moment in the autumn of 1640 to obtain from 
Massachusetts a grant (subsequently conhrmed by both Connecti- 
cut and New York) of Fisher's Island, one of the gems of Long 
Island Sound, though he was unable to improve it until some 
years later. Besides the manufacture of salt, the development 
of the mineral resources of New England naturally suggested 
itself to a man of his scientific tastes, and he conceived a plan 

^ Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Scries 4, vol. vi. p. 101. 
2 Kecords of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 280, 30-1. 


by Avliich London merchants should be induced to invest money 
in the erection of iron ^vorks. lie attended Courts in Boston in 
the spring of 1641, and there is a fragment of a letter to him 
from Emmanuel "Downing, dated Salem, July 29, 1611, in which 
occurs the torn passage : — 

or hinder your sale with them as the case stands. Mj Sonne is not 
yet retorned from Ipswich whom I expect evrie howre and soe have done 
tliese 3 dayes. If you goe for England before yt be done, yet I will if- 
God permitt pmsue yt to the utmost, and send per the next shippe, 
that you may receive your monie of his ffather.^ 

Five days later, Aug. 3, 1641, Winthrop sailed, his errand 
being to exert personal influence with friends in England in aid 
of his various enterprises. The undertaking proved a difncult 
one and though a company was ultimately foimed and stock sub- 
scribed for, yet he was away two years and a quarter, including 
two exceptionally long passages. Of the numerous letters which 
he must have written to his family during^this period but a single 
one is knowm to exist, dated Bristol, Oct. 6, 1641, and addressed 
to his wife at " Tenliills," Governor Winthrop's w^ ell-known 
farm, between Charlestown and ]\Iedford. It shows that it 
took him a fortnight to reach Newfoundlaud, where he waited 
three weeks for conveyance to England, finally arriving there 
twenty days later after a stormy voyage in a vessel of sixty tons. 
He alludes to having sent previous letters, says he shall write 
more fully to his father, and concludes : — 

I pray be carefull of j'our journies to Cambridge or elsewhere, and 
remember what I desired you, to stay w^^' the children one part of the 
day your selfe. Let Betty learne to read by any meanes, but keepe her 
not too close to it. Farewell, my deare wife : it is midnight and time 
to sleepe.- 

There is a tradition that Mrs. Winthrop resided more or less 
in Ipswich during this protracted absence of her husband, and 

1 ]\Iassachiisetts Historical Society's Colloctions, Series 4, vol. vi. p. 59. This ap- 
parently refers to some sale at Ipswich in which Downing was acting for his nephew. 

2 Ibid., Scries 5, vol. viii. pp. 3-3-3G. 


in that case she was probably the gnest of her sister Symonds ; 
but there can be little doubt that her headquarters were at Ten- 
hills, where she undoubtedly was long after Winthrop sailed, and 
where she would appear to have been when her second son was 
born (Feb. 27, 164^), he having been baptized in Boston. More- 
over, tlie following passage in a letter from Margaret Winthrop 
to her stepson, dated Boston, Oct. 10, 16-12, seems to show that 
the two families lived, within easy distance of one another. After 
thanking him for ^^a box with some aparel '* which he had sent 
her from England, she adds : — 

Your wife thinkes long for your comiuge, yet it plescth God to 
helpe hir to beare it prety clierfully ; hir little boy is so mery that it 
puteth away many a sad thought from his mother.^ , 


That his time abroad was not wholly devoted to his own 
affairs is evidenced by the following document : — 

To the Honored Generall Court at Boston, the hiimhle petition of John Win- 
throp Jun''. 

Whereas when I was last in. England, at the returne of j\P Gibbins, 
I was importunately desired by M'^ Weld & M"" Peters, your agents, to 
assist them there in their constant agitations for this plantation, w^^ 
many pressing arguments \y^^ I could not w^^stand, & theire promise of 
due & full satisfaction for my charges there, — and wliereas, after 
above an whole yeares imployment, wlierin I used my best indeavour 
to assist them in all their negotiations for the good of this Colonye, 
w*^ many expensive travailes therin, I was appointed to receive iifty 
pounds at my arrivall in this country, out of those monies w^^ were to 
be received for the children & other silmes of monye procured by us for 
the Countr3-e, w""'^ I have hitherto only mentioned to this honored Court, 
expecting the returne of M'^ Peters or INP Weld every yeare, & respecting 
the many occations of the Country in other iiigagemenls ; — and wheras 
I paid fifty pounds in London to one IsV Vincent, at the earnest request 
of M'" Weld & M"" Peters, ys""^ was owing by tliem for linnin cloth sent 

^ Life and Letters of John Winthrop, voL ii. p. 30-1. 


over hillier, & no other moanes to be found there for tlie satisfying of 
the said iNf Vincent, v.ho continually urged them for the said nionyc, 
and Avhereas I have ly the appointment of this honored Court received 
only one of these lift}^ pounds in such payment as the Country could 
make, not monye or any thing that I could returne into England, w^^' 
was much prejudice to me as I can make to appeare : — my humble request 
is that, seing my bill is eyther lost or left in the Courts hands, & now 
not to be found, this honored Court will please eyther to allow in the 
Treasurers hand that other fifty pounds npon my oath that it is justly 
due to me, or to order the forbearance thereof by the Treasurer till I can 
receive restitution from ^Nf Peters, I standing ingaged to the Ti-easurer 
for a debt due to the Country. 

John Winthrop. 

The INIagistrates conceave this petition to be reasonable, and if the 
Deputies -will allow the petitioner the 50'^ unpaid npon his oath, or order 
the forbearance thereof in his hands untill a new certificate be procured, 
the Magistrates will assent to what they shall make choice of therein. 

* Thomas Dudley, Dep. Goy"". 

The accompts as yet not cleared & y^ engagments remayning, the 
Deput^ conceave it meet till they heare more not to consent to either of 
the \_torii'] 

Edwaiid Kawson.i 

It was not until the latter part of May, 1G43, that he was 
able to embark at Gravesend, with skilled w^orkmen and 
machinery, npon a voyage which proved disastrous. Detained 
" many daies " at the outset by Custom-house formalities, they 
lost a favorable wind, hovered on the English coast for more than 
six weeks, and did not reach Boston till autumn, after a passage 
of almost unexampled duration, — the result being that the work- 
men, unaccustomed to the sea and prostrated by midsummer 

1 Printed from the original in the nnpiibhslied Wintbrop Papers. The missing 
part of Secretary Rawson's memorandum probably contained a date. Winthrop liad 
made himself responsible for a fine imposed by the General Conrt in 16-16 upon his 
friend Dr. Robert Child, and claimed the advance to Weld and Peter as a set-off. The 
matter was not settled till October, 1051, ^Yhen the Court voted that " Mr John Win- 
throp beinge debter forty pound to the country for Doctor Childs fine, hath the sd 
forty pound given him in consiiLn-ation of service done for this country in England." 
Records of ^lass. vol. iii. p. 2-30. 




heat in close quarters, were so weakened by fevers as to be 
utterly unfit for duty ^\'hen tliey landed.^ 

Governor Wintbrop's embarrassments bad resulted in bis 
removal to a smaller bouse in Boston and tbe sale of a consider- 
able part of tbe Tenbills estate, but be was able to welcome bis 
son's return by tbe following conveyance in bis own liand : — 

This present writingc testifietli that I, Jo : Winthro}), of Boston in 
New England, Esqf, for & in consideration & satysfaction of one Imndr^ 
& fiftye pounds, parte of a greater suiije due from me to Jo: Winthrop 
my eldest sonne, have given, granted, baigained & sould unto the said 
John my sonne all that my farme or peell of land lyinge upon Concorde 
Biver about three miles beneath the towne, conteinmge twelve hundr*^ 
acres, w*=^ was granted me by the Gen^^ Court in 3 mo : 1638, & also one 
jicell of medowe adjoyninge, conteininge about sixtye acres more or 
lesse, granted to me also by tlie Court in 1039; — and allso all tliat 
pcell or necke of land now inclosed, pte of my farjne in Chariest" call'^ 
Tenliills, lying over ag^ the Oyster-banck conteyninge about thii'tye 
acres more or lesse, to have & to liould all the sd lands & premises w'^ 
their app^'tenn'ces unto the sd Jo. Winthrop my sonne & Eliz : his 
wife during their lives, the remainder to Fitz-John their eldest sonne & 
his heires for ever : provided allwayes & reserved out of this present 
grant unto me the sd Jo : Wintlirop & Marg' my wife, for the terme of 
o' lives & the lofiger liver of us, one third pte of all suche fruit as 
shalbe yearly growinge upon the sd necke of land. In \yittnesse of the 
^mises 1 liave herunto'sett my hand & scale dated the 22: of 7^'" 1643. 

Jo: WlNTHIlOP.2 

SeaF & delivered in the 
psence of • 

Jo: ExDEcoTT, Dep. Govr 

TliO : FOWLE. 

In tbe Proceedings of tbe Massachusetts Historical Society 
for October, 1892, is to be found a paper prepared by Win- 
throp, beaded " Considerations concerning Ironworks," describ- 
ing a careful search made by bim through what was then known 

^ Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. viii. pp. 36-37. 
2 Unpublished Winthrop Papers. An abstract is to be found in Suffolk Deeds, 
Lib. T : 45. 



of Maine, New Hampsliire, and Massachusetts, for the best 
place to estabhsh this industry, and giving his reasons for 
preferring Braintree, where early in 1G44 he and his j^artners 
received from the Massachusetts General Court a grant of three 
thousand acres " for the encouragement of an iron-Avorke to be set 
up about Monatacot Rivei-," and in May of the same year he had 
leave to make a plantation in the Pequot country for a similar 

In the following September a third daughter, Mary, was born 
to him in Boston, and a few weeks later he was granted " y*" hill 
at Tantousq, about 60 miles westward, in which the black lead is, 
with liberty to purchase some land there of the Indians," ^ a per- 
mission which resulted in his acquiring a tract ten miles square 
in and near what is now Sturbridge. The Indian deeds of this 
j)urchase, therein styled '' Tantiusques," are still in existence, 
together with, several agreements made b}^ him with other parties 
for mining black lead upon it, the earliest in 1644, the latest 
in 16 58.^ 

On the first of January, 164|, he conveyed his Castle Hill 
farm to his brother-in-law Symonds, his Ipswich house-lot and 
land by the river having probably been parted with a good wliile 
before, though, as already stated, it has not thus far been ascer- 
tained precisely when these sales occurred, which is perhaps due 
to the carelessness in registering land-titles which prevailed at 
that period- and iQXig afterward. On the 14th of May, 1645, he 
attended a Court in Boston, but must soon after have left for 
Pequot, as Roger Williams addressed him there on the 22d of 
June, and a letter from Rev. Thomas Peter describes the arrival 
of Winthrop and himself in the fort of Uncas just after a bloody 
battle between the Moheg;ans and the Narra2;ansetts.* That 

1 Piecords of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 71. ^ 7^^;/., vol. ii. p. 82. 

* One of the signers of tlie last-named agreement was William Paine, some time 
of Ipswich and afterward of ]>oston, several letters from whom on this subject v; ill 
be found in Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Scries 4, vol. vii. 

* Winthrop's History of New England, Savage's edition of 1S50, vol. ii. p. 463. 




he was back in Boston before the close of tlie snmmer seems 
certam from a letter there addressed to him by Symonds, who 
^Y^ites (without date^ but clearly in that year) : — 

I am sorry you can not come to Ipswich at this tyme, nor that I 
liavc oportunity to see you at the ]3ay, by reason of our liarvest. I could 
wish that Uncas may be kept a frend still to the English, yet soe that 
he be not suffered to in.sulte or wronge other Indians. ... If you 
intende to settle at your new plantation, in case it be agreed on all 
hands that that place shall belonge to tlie government of Connecticott & 
not to the Bay, I would not have you strive aljout it, but joyne vrith 
them in the Avorlie of God as one of them, and hereby you may be a 
meanes to reconcile the Indians amono-e themselves.^ 


In the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
for 1892, already cited, is an interesting fragment of a diary, 
mostly in Latin, in which Winthrop recounts a journey made 
by him from Boston to Saybrook and back, in November and 
December, 1645. He started by way of Sudbury and Brookfield, 
intending to visit his mine at Tantiuscjues, but missing the Indian 
trail in a snow^-storm he brought up at Springfield, going thence 
to Hartford by land and so to Saybrook, the Connecticut Eiver 
beiug choked with ice. From Saybrook he journeyed by the fort 
of the Niantick Indians to Nameag, where under date of Nov. 20 
lie writes : — 

Tota ista die circa terram transivimus querendo loco comodo pro 
colonia. j(We spent the whole day in searching for the most conve- 
nient site for a settlement.) 

It is clear from this entry that the precise situation of what is 
now New London had not till then been determined, though some 
few settlers are stated to have been on the ground in the preced- 
ing summer. His return to Boston was made via Wicldord, 
Patuxet, Providence, Seekonk, and Braintree. During the whole 
trip he stayed in the houses of many well-known persons, and he 

1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. p. 122. 



gives a graphic account of a furious gale and shipwreck at the 
mouth of the Connecticut. ,,■■•. 

The rest of tlie winter of ]645-4G lie was presumably in or 
near Boston. He had recovered from his father's creditors the 
alienated portion of Tenhills, and apparently realizing that 
his life vas more than ever one of exposure and peril, and 
that the various commercial undertakings in vdiich he was 
engaged might not be successful, he endeavored to make some 
permanent provision for his family, in case of accidents, b}^ the 
following deed of trust : — 

This j)resent writeing witnesseth that I, John Wintlirop the 
younger, of Charlestowne in i\liddlesex in Kew England, beinge care- 
full of Elizabeth my loveinge wife & such children as God hath given 
meo by her, that some provision of maintenance may be had for them 
after my decease, have given, graiited, infeoffed & conlirmed, & I doe 
hereby give, grant, infeoffe & confnme, unto my trustie & beloved 
frends jM"^ Joseph Cooke of Cambridge in the county aforesaid, 
M*" Nathaniell Sparhawke & John Bridge of the same, all that my 
Ferme in Cliarlestowne aforesaid called Tenhills, wtli the a^^'purte- 
nances, & all the lands, meadowes, marishes, woods, swampes, to the 
same belonging or therewith used & occupied, conteining by estimation 
between six & seven hundred acres, be it more or lesse, together w^^ 
my right of Comon to the same belouging, & my part in tlie meere upon 
Mistick river, — to have & to hould to the said Joseph, Nathaniell & 
John, & theire heires, uppon spociall trust & confidence, as is hereafter 
expressed, viz': to the use & belioofe of me & my said wife & the 
longer liver of us, w^^^out impeachment of wast, & after o"" decease to the 
use of Fitz Jt»hn o"" eldest sonne & liis heires for ever. Provided 
alwayes that one third part of the rent now received uppon a lease 
thereof made by meo to 2^hijor Kobert Sedgwick & otliers for certaine 
yeares yet to come, & of all &:, every lease or other cleare improvement 
thereof hereafter to be made, shalbc & be duly paid to my honoured 
father & ]Maroraret his wife durino^ theire lives Sz the loncrer liver of 
them. Provided also that the said Ferme ^ 2:)remisses shalbe still lyable 
to the satisfaction of such of the creditors of my said father as are not yet 
satisfyed or agreed w^^ for any theire just debts. Provided also that of 
the cleare rent or revenew w*^^^ shall remaine after the said debts be 
satisfyed, & the said third part for my father & mother deducted, one 
third part shall go towards the education of my yonger children untill 

I 'ifHiliiir ir'-irtiiiff-riMii'-^-'-''^'""r 'i 


tliey & every one of them sliall respectively attaine tlie full age of 
fiftecne ^'eeres^ or be disposed of otherwise to be kept w'^'oiit charge to 
theire niother. Lastly it is j^rovided that it shalbc in my j)ower either 
by my last will, or other wise dureing my life, to chai-ge the said l^'erme 
& premisses w*^ the payment of one hundred pounds to any of my 
yonger children, to be payd at sucli time & in such manner as I shall 
by such will or other writeing appoint. 

John Wixthrop.^ 
Sealed and dd in the 
psence of 

Em : DowNiNGE. 

Adam. WiNTHKOP. 

He was present at a Court in Boston in May, 1646, but went 
soon after to Pequot, where the new plantation was now vigor- 
ously taken in band. His bouse in New London was not ready 
for occupancy until the following spring, but he bad already 
caused one to be built on Fisher's Island, to wliicb in the early 
autumn of 1646 he removed a portion of his family, returning to 
Boston for this purpose. There went back with him to Con- 
necticut his \\dfe, his elder son, by tradition an infant daughter 
Margaret, and his brother Deane, who all passed the winter on 
the island, his four other cliildren remaining under the care of 
their grandparents.^ His father's hrst letter to him in this new 
home was dated Oct. 28, 1646, and addressed, " To my very good 
son M' John Winthrop, at Fisher's Lsland n'' Pequod Eiver," and 
in it the Governor wrote, among other things: — 

I send 3-0U herein your letters, which I thought best to open. 
Your brother Stephen, it seems, means to stay in England and hath sent 
for his wife. He is Captain of a troop of hoi-se. We are all as you 
left us, 1 praise God, & we all salute you and yours. The blessing of 
the Lord be upon you, and he ])rotect and guide you in this great 
undertaking I ^ 

1 Printed from the original in tlie unpuMisluHl Winthrop Pa]>ers. It docs not 
appear to liavc been registered and there is no date; but it was undoubtedly executed 
at or about the time named. 

2 See Caulkins's History of Xew London, chap. ii. 

8 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 855. 

38 skp:tcii of 


On the 14th of June, 1647, there befell him one of the 
greatest sorrows of his life in the sudden death of his step- 
mother, between whom and himself there had always existed tlie 
deepest attachment, and who was as devoted to his children as 
he had ever been to hers. He is recorded to have been in attend- 
ance at meetings of the Commissioners of the United Colonies 
held m Boston in the following July and August, when it was 
finally decided that the Pequot country should belong ijerma- 
nently to Connecticut, and hi September he was commissibned by 
the latter government to be a magistrate tliere, though he still 
retamed his Massachusetts functions. These dual responsi])ilities 
cost him many journej^s. Letters from Roger Williams place him 
at Pequot at different times in September, October, and November 
of that year, while one from Samuel Symonds, dated Oct. 6, 1647, 
shows him to have been recently in Boston. A dispute concern- 
ing a boundary-line, between Symonds and one of his neighbors, 
had brought on a lawsuit involving an unsuccessful attempt to 
■upset the title to Castle Hill farm, and. this letter of Symonds 
possesses so much local interest that it is here given in full, 
though some of its allusions are obscure. 

To the vi'jht Worshijjfull John Winthrop Esrf, Govcrnoiir, present^ Boston.^ 
Good Bkothek, — I p^sume you doe heare what is the j^ssue of the 
triall of tlie title of Castcll-IIill ; but had not tlie castle beene grounded 
upon records & full testimony by the then Recorder, it might have bene 
shaken, as it wanted noe battering to doe it. There came in such a 
testimony & pleadings (as 1 doe assure my selfe) you never dreamed 
of. The case was debated in Court on Tewsday after noone & the 

1 The following postscript explains this superscription : *» Sir, this I have 
written to my brother your sonne, but fearing he may be gone, I tliouglit good to 
direct it to yourselfe, desiring you ^Yilbe pleased to convey it when you write to 


fore-noone the next clay. The second grant was that which was 
endeavoured to have bone made voyde, & the first difBcultly 

It was urged that you were denied a vote all the form^ p' of the day, 
albeit your waiting & the thinge it selfe speaks that the kind was not 
now the Townes to give, but y* you yiekled to part w*^ tlie greatest 
p* of the Neck to them. There were (as I rememb'") 4 that did testifie 
concerning the number of the freemen &c p^sent, all variously from 
each other, when tliey did deliv'" their testimony viva voce. One, before 
he was sworne, said it was done an houre &c Avithin night, by candle 
light, but did not deliv"^ it soe upon oath ; 2, that it was very late, but 
not by candle light. You & I are noe v/itnesses in this case; we know 
it was in the after noone, & the Record agreeth with us, an other act 
being done at same tymc which must require a little debate before it 
was written, which was your grant of 800 aci'cs, wliicli is well 
approved of.^ 

But I did know it would require some skill to make one act of the 
same meeting after the other good & the form' null ; soe it was said 
that your said farme was given before, onl3'- the quantity appoynted 
now, — which (though tyme must be given to believe) yet they con- 
fesse enough to make the meeting valid in determinyng the numb'' of 
acres. Alsoe to confirme this & nuUifie the other, it was tendered to 
be testified that this farjue, p* of it you had plowed before this grant. 
Tis nine yeares since tlie grant, Aug : G^^ last.^ I suppose you may call 
to minde who did plow it & when. Though it makes nothing to the 
case, yet I would willingly let them see tlieir mistaks. It was testified 
that the meeting ^^'as called for an other purpose, but next day when 
they brought in their testimonies in writing, one of the Jury minded 
them that this meeting (as before did appeare) was called or warned by 
the man that did use to warrte the meetings. 

It was alsoe said that this last grant was voted in the meeting bowse 
at that tyme mentioned in tlie record indeed, but it was written in an 
other bowse & at an other tyme; & this is a thing alsoe (I suppose) 
you never dreamt of. AVhereas, besides our knowledg iS: p^'sence at the 
doeing of it, ixs ipsa loquitur, — for in grants where there must be de- 
scribino- of bounds soe & soe, limittacon hither &c, cl' a line soe, it will 

^ The 300 acres not in dispute would seem to have been the Argilla farm granted 
to Winthrop in 1G34: or earlier, and sold by him to Synionds in 1637. 

2 For the discrepancies in the dates assigned to the grant of Castle Hill, the 
probability that there was more than one grant, and the disappearance of AVinthrop's 
letter to his father on the subject, see a^ife, p. 24. 


require to be written before it be voted, according to reason & iisuall 
practice. M'^ Bartholmew was a cleare & full witnesse, agreeino- ^v 


the Recorde. There was noe necessity of any, I summoned none. I 
did expect bini & be did well to be p'^sent.^ 

Concerning the poynt in law touching tbe p^sedent order or grant 
of this land to the 'J'owne by the freemen, this did not hold longe debate 
in the Court.^ 

Their last plea, to save the accon & charges at least, was that T 
have not sett the fence right; soe there are three Comissioners apr 
poynted to vew it. If they be found to have broken the fence upon 
my ground, then I am to have 3Ii damages. 

After all the rest was pleaded <^'c, poynt of Chancery or equity was 
pleaded, the argument whereof I suppose is generally knowne to be 
upon a grosse mistake. It was to this effect, that you left the Tovrne 
when ]\P "Ward was leaving his lAaco^ the Church settling our p'^sent 
officers, & the Church ready to crack. How longe these things w^ere 
done before, you know better than T, but sure I am I was a memb'" of 
the Church first by our p'sent elders in office, &c &c.2 

An other thinge was on the second day testified, I liaving touched 
the strangncs of averring against a Record, &; not soe much as a p*es- 
tacon against it at that tyme made. Tlie next day one of them remem- 
bered upon his oath there was a p^estacon. I know }iot whether he well 
understands wliat it is, but had there beine one, yet if not recorded, what 
would it effect to p^'cnt anj'- purchasser from deceiving himself e, build- 
ing upon the Record for the Grant & finding nothing to question the 
same ? 

Forasmuch as I was p^sent, — & there is J\P B : his oath to the 
recorder for a full consent, for ought appeared to him, & by their owne 
confession by the major part it was done, — tins seemes very strange, 
save that the space of t3'me since doth help to make the most charitable 
interpreUicon &c. A p^estacon doth not overthrow an act, noe more 
than when 2 or three doe enter their dissent upon an act of Court it 
doth render the matter more doublfull &c. 

1 William Bartlioloiiiew first came to Ipswich in 1G35, and subsequently held 
important posts in tlie town. 

2 It is recorded under date of Dec. 29, 1G31, '-that the Xecke of Land thereupon 
the great Hill standeth, w"'' is known by the name of the Castle Hill, lyeinge on tlie 
otlier side of the River towards the sea, shall remayne unto the coilion use of the 
Towne forever." 

® Ilev. Xathaniel Rogers, successor to Rev. Nathaniel "Ward, was ordained pastor 
of the Church at Ipswich, Feb. 20, 1G3S. 

■I'liith ■■ ■ ■^^■'''■^' ■,:.-ii„^::i:i:i^i'{:tf-,..!i.;:ai> . 


Urgent occasions doe call me off. I pray God send you a pi'^p'ous 
journey. Our love to you, niy sister, & all my coscns. I rest 

Your ever loving brother, 

October 6tli. 47. ., , , .,. ■ Samuel Symonds.^ 

Wintlirop would seem to have just started for Pequot when 
this letter reached Boston, but that he was back again within five 
months is shown by a later letter from Ipswich, Feb. 24, 1648, 
in which Symonds Avrites : — 

Having this opportunity, I thouglit good to let you understand 
God's providence tov^ards us. M}' daughter Epps, upon the 22th of this 
instant was delivered of a sonne, & thanks be to God, both mother & 
Sonne are comfortably well. We would gladly know what day you -will 
agree upon to bring my sister, that. accordingly we may send you a horse 
to the water side. My wife hatli bene better in respect of the paine in 
her stomach, this weeke then formerl}-. Good wine (as you say) is the 
best cordiall for her. . ' 

The handwriting of this letter is unusually distinct and it is 
addressed " To his very loving brother, John Winthrop of Salem, 
Esq, this, Salem," In styling hi^n at this late day -^ of Salem," 
when apparently on a visit to his uncle Downing, Symonds was 
perhaps only playful ; but it is possible that the Ej-all-side salt 
work was still running, as a few weeks later the Massachusetts 
General Court agreed witli Wintlu'op on a price to be paid for 
the delivery of '^ good white salt at Boston, Charlestown, Salein, 
Ipswich, k Salsberry," besides giving him liberty' to erect salt 
works in an}^ place or places not hitherto appropriated. In 
May of the same year he was granted '^ 3000 acres of the 

i Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. pp. 123-126. Tn 
the old Judicial Records preserved at Salem is the following entry relative to this 
action : — 

"Ipswich Quar. Sessions Ct. 28. 7. lGi7 IM^ Sani^ Symonds PL ag* "William 
Story & John Dane in an action of trespasse for breaking downe his fence to his great 
damage : 

They fynd for M' Symonds & his title to the land, according to the records, to bo 
good. 2''', if the fence stand upon his ground, they alow him 3" damage & the re- 
payring of the fence as it was — to be issued by Comis'^ion, the Coniissioners Rich- 
ard Ejiight, Henry Sliortc of Xewbury and Edward Carlton of Kowlyc." 


Pequot land, at Paquatuck, iieere to tlie Narraganset country, 
provided that if lie set not up a. considerable salt worke be- 
tween the two capes of Massachusetts Bay w^'^in three yeares 
now next coming, tlien this graunt to be voyde." On the loth 
of June Downing wrote him at Pequot: — 

I hope you are soc well setled in your occasions as to bcgyn to think 
now of visiting your friends in the Bay. The merchants at Salem are 
sory you accepted not theire propositions for the making of salt. . . . 
I hope you will not loose tyme in erecting a salt worke at Pequoyt, you 
neede not feare vent here for it.^ 

He must have paid a short visit to the Bay just then, as on 
the 3d of July^ his fatlier alhules to the joyful news of his safe 
return to Nameag, where in the following month his daughter 
Martha was born. That he was again expected in Boston in the 
early autumn is shown by a letter to him from his father, dated 
*^ 30 (7) 48," in which the Governor, after describing a visit he 
had paid to Ipswich, adds, " We have looked for 3^ou long," but it 
w^as the will of God that father and son should never meet again. 
The latter was detained in the Pequot country b}^ negotiations 
wath the Indians, and was unexpectedly prevented from starting 
later as shown by the following extracts from letters of his fre- 
quent correspondent at Narragansett, Eoger Williams: — 

I ani glad for your sake that it hath pleased God to prevent your 
winter travel ; though I gladly, also, this last week expected your pas- 
sage, and being at Providence hastened purposely to attend you here. . . . 
Youre letters 1 sf-ecdily despatched by a messenger on purpose. . . . Our 
neighbors, the barbarians, run up and down and consult, partly ready to 
fall upon the Mohegans at your word, and a world of foolish agitations 
I could trouble you with ; but I tould the chiefest yesterday that it is not 
our manner to be rash, and that you will be silent till youre father and 
other ancient Sachems speak iirst.'-^ 

On the 14th of March, IG IJ, his lu'othcr Adam wrote : — 

We have not heard from yon since we lieard by Providence Indian, 
but hope you are in liealth, I am sorry I can not write so to you of 

^ Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. p. 6S. 
2 Jbid., Series 3, vol. ix. p. 280. 

-m^Mfcvjfc. n A ; ,i.<i ( >ifc,ifca>K 



ourselves, for my father indeed is very ill & has bene so above a month. 
The Lord only knows the event. AVe should be very glad if you could 
be heer. My father not being able to wriglit himself desired me to 
remember his love to you, my sister, Sc the children, & although he 
hopes God will raise him up againe, yet he would request you, as if it 
were liis last request, that you wold strive no more about the Pequod 
Indians, but leave them to the Commissioners order.^ 

This letter was dehayed in reaching Wintlirop, and on the 
26 til an Indian messenger started from Boston with the intelli- 
gence of his father's death, the funeral being postponed imtil his 
arrival eight days later. It was a most unexpected bereavement, 
for the Governor was onh- in liis sixty-second year and vigorous 
up to this last illness. One result of it was his son's final decision 
to cast in his lot v/ith Connecticut, though his friend, George 
Baxter, English Secretarj^ to the Dutch Governor and Council, 
strongly urged him to plant a settlement at the Manhattan end 
of Long Island, adding : — 

I have often tymes licard o^ Governour [Peter Stuj^vesant] saye you 
should be acceptablie welcome unto him ; & for matter of privilidge or 
accommodation, for your selfe or any others that shall come along with 
you, you shall have them soe large and ample as hee hath power to 

At the close of 16-19 he accordingly gave notice that, at the 
expiration of his term in May, 1650, he must decline to be 
re-elected to the Court of Assistants of the Massachusetts Colony, 
a post he had then held eighteen years. This change of domicile 
is distinctly marked by the formal letter of recommendation of 
himself and wife from the First Chmxh of Boston to the Church, 
at Saybrook, dated July 23, 1650, and signed by John Cotton, 
John Wilson, and Thomas Oliver.-' Although he retained 
property in IMassachusetts and made visits thither as occasion 

1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. 391-2. • 

2 ;^L1Ssachusett3 Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. i. p. 370. 

2 Pi-oceedings of the ^Lissacliusetts Historical Society, Series 2, vol. iii. p. 200. 
There was no Church at Xew London till a little later. 


offeredj yet for the remainiiig tweiity-six yecars of his hfe he Avas 
a Connecticut man, and his career there is so interwoven with the 
political history of tlie sister Colony that it would he foreign to 
the purpose of this Sketch to describe it in detail, thougli an 
outline of it may be convenient for reference. 


Elected an Assistant of Connecticut in Ma}^, 1651, Winthrop 
forthwith procured from the General Assembly the passage of the 
following vote : — 

Whereas in this rocky country, among these mountains and rocky 
bills, there are probabilities of mines of metals, the discovery of which 
may be of great advantage to the country in raising a staple commodity ; 
and whereas John Winthrop, Esquire, doth intend to be at charges and 
adventure for the search and discovery of such mines and minerals : — 
for the encouragement thereof, and of any that shall adventure with the 
said John Winthrop, Es(pjire, in the said business, it is therefore ordered 
by the Court that if tlie said John Winthrop, Esquire, sliall discover, 
set upon and maintain such mines of lead, copper or tin, or any min- 
erals, as antimony, vitriol, bkxck lead, allum, stone salt, salt springs, or 
any other the like, within this jurisdiction, and shall sot up au}^ work 
for the digging, washing and melting, or any other oj^eration about the 
said mines or minerals, as the nature tlicrcof requireth, — that then the 
said John W^intlnxip, Esquire, his heirs, associates, partners or assigns, 
shall enjoy forever said mines, with the kinds, wood, timber and water 
within two or three miles of said mines, for the necessary carrying on 
of the works and maintaining of the workmen, and provision of coal for 
the same : — provided it be not within the bounds of an 3- town already 
settled, or an}- particular person's property; and provided it be not in, 
or bordering upon, any place that shall, or may be, by the Court so 
judged fit to make a plantation of.^ 

In the following year the sudden death in Boston of his 
brother Adam, at the early age of thirty-two, was a fresh domestic 
sorrow; and about this time Hugh Peter wrote from London, 

^ Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 195. 


pointing out the rapid military advancement of Stephen Wintlirop 
and George Downing, and offering to place at his step-son-in-law's 
disposal the parliamentary influence he had now acquired, if the 
latter should ])e willing to put himself in the way of employ- 
ment in England/ — an offer wisely declined, we may fairly con- 
sider, as eight years later Peter lost his head on the scaffold. 
Somewhat similar overtures were made not long afterward by 
Winthrop's particular friend and correspondent, the celebra^ted 
Sir Kenelm Digby, who wrote to him from London, Jan. 
31, 165|: — 

I hope it will not be long before this Hand, y*" native country, do 
enjoy y' much desired presence. I pray for it hartily, and I am con- 
fident that y'' great judgem*, and noble desire of doing the most good 
to mankmde that you may, will prompt you to make as much hast 
hither as you can. Where you are, is too scanty a stage for you to 
remaine too long upon. It was a well chosen one wlien there were 
inconveniences for y'^ fixing upon this. But now that all is here as you 
could wish, all that do know you do expect of you that you should exer- 
cise your vertues where they may be of most advantage to the world, 
and where you may do most good to most mcn.^ 

A year later, Jan. 2G, 1G5§, Sir Kenelm wrote from Paris : — 

Y' most welcome letter of the 4. T''" last, was sent me by ]\P Peters 
the same day I went out of London to come to this towne : w*^^' made 
me lament the Icsse tlie necessity of those affaires that call me hither for 
a little while ; since I learno by it that you are not as yet minded to 
make our country happy w"^ y"^ presence. I pray God you may so alter 
y'^ resolutions that by the return of the shippes I may meete you att 
London. For I can not subscribe to y^ reasons, — the maine of w*'^ is, 
res aivjusta domi to a numerous familj-. For wheresoever you are, I am 
sure you can not want.^ 

1 ;Massac]iu:=;ett3 Historica] Societ3''s Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. 113, 114. 

2 Ih'uL, Series o, vol. x. pp. 5-G. 

8 Ihid, p. 15. A reasonable inference would be that, so far as AVinlhrop's per- 
sonal inclinations were concerned, he would have liked to rejoin his scientific friends, 
but that he felt bound to accumulate an independence for his children, and considered 
tliat his best chance of so doinfr was to remain in New Encrland. 


Educational facilities were then meagre in New London, and 
in tlie winter of IG 5-1-5 botli liis sons were sent to Cambridge to 
study. There has been preserved a single letter to them from 
their father at this time, whicli is here given, as it affords a good 
idea of his domestic correspondence. 

To my beloved Sonn Fltz-Jolui Winfhrop at Cavihrld<jc. 

FiTZ, — Yoa wrote by 3'Onr List letter w"^'' I received of some ihiesse 
that you were troubled w^^, w^^ we Avere sorry to beare of, but it was so 
neere winter that I could not goe or send to you ; but since was 
informed by Arthur IMason (who put in heere as he passed to Virginia) 
that you were againe in good health, for w"^'' let the Lord have praise in 
whose hands is our life and breath ; sicknesse and health arc wholy in 
his povrer. 

I pceive ])y your letter that j-ou were mucli possessed w*^ the feare 
of Death. You must be carefull that Sathan does not delude you. It 
is good to be alwaies mindfuil [aid prepared for death, ]:)ut talie heede of 
distrusting, perplexed thouglits about it, for that will encrease the sick- 
nesse. Trust him w''' your lite that gave you life and ])eing, and hath 
onl}^ power over death and life, to whom we inust be willing to submit 
to be at the disposing of his good will and pleasure. Whether in life 
or death learne to know God and to serve liim, and to feare him and 
walke in his waies ; and leave your seh^e w^^ him and cast your care on 
him who careth for all his servants and will not forsake those y* trust 
in his name. In sicknesse use those m canes that you can have ; and 
coiuitt your selfe for the succcsse to the Lord. 

This opoi'tunity is but very suddaine by on.e that passed through 

the towne, therfore I have scarce tyme to write, and shall not have 

tyme to write to my cousin Dudly ; therfore remeber my love to him 

and my cousin Cooke, and our friends w''^ whom you sojourne.^ We 

are all in good health, God be praised. Your mother, sisters, and aunt, 

remeber their love to you and your brother. I desire the Lord to blesse 

you both, and rest 

Your loving father, 

Feb. 8. 1654 [l(jbb], John Winthkop.^ 

Desire ]\L Gold at Tenhills to take care that the ratts doe no hurt. 

1 Tlie elder boy ^vas being crarnined for Harvard by his cousin Thomas Dudley, 
then a tutor in that College ; ^vhile tlio younger was instructed by Elijah Corlot, 
the ^Yell-kno^vn master of Cambridge Grammar-School. Massachusetts Historical 
Society's Collections, Series G, vol. iii. pp. 424-426 

2 Ibid., Series 5, vol. viii. pp. 43-41. 

:?.r iu 


In early life "Winllirop had jnanifested mucli interest in 
cheniistr}^ and medicine. Ever since, in leisure honrs, he had 
been a diligent reader of cliemical and medical works, experi- 
menting with different drugs and inventing a mysterious prepa- 
ration called nihila^ \\\\\q\\ gradually became famous all over 
New England as efficacious in a variety of ailments. The 
scarcity of physicians in the Colonies and his willingness to 
give advice free of charge, — so far as his studies enabled him 
to do so, — caused him to be much consulted, and among those 
who derived benefit from his treatment in 1653 w^ere sev- 
eral prominent persons in New Haven and, in particular, the 
familj^ of Rev. John Davenport. The result was that, in October 
1654, The Church and Town of New Haven, the General Court 
of that Colony and Theophilus Eaton, then Governor, united in a 
formal invitation to Winthrop to take up his abode among them 
for a large part of each year, offering to provide him with a 
house and other conveniences.^ This invitation coincided with a 
plan he had formed for erecting iron-works in that neighborhood, 
but in order to j)reserve his independence he preferred to buy a 
house for £100, paying for it in goats raised by himself on 
Fisher's Island.^ It was not, liowever, till nearly the close of 
1655 that he. found it convenient to move, not long before 
which Davenport had written : — 

To his Honoured fr chid John IVlnfJiroj^, Usf% iJiese j^vcscnt^ 
.-■ in Pcquot. 

Ilon*^ Sir, — We did earnestly expect j'oiir coming hither, with M'^ 
Winthrop and your familie, the last light moone, according to your pur- 
pose signified to us, — having also intelligence that a vessel wayted 
upon you at Pcquot for that end, and were thereby encouraged to provide 
your house that it might be fitted, in some measure, for your comfortable 
dAvelling in it this wiiiter. 

My wife was not wanting in her endeavours to set all wheeles on 
gomg, — all hands that she could prociue, on worke, — that you might 

1 See Governor Eaton's letters to AVinthrop on this subject, in iSIassachusetts 
Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vii. 

2 Atwater's History of the Colony of Xcw Haven, p. 3G9. 

48 SKPrrcii of 

finde all things to your satisfaction. Thong] i she could not accomplish 
her desires to the full, yet she proceeded as farr as she could ; whereb}^ 
many things arc done, viz. : the house made warm, the well cleansed, 
the punipe fitted for your use. Some provision of wood is layed in and 
20 loades will be ready whensoever you come ; and sundry who have 
received helpe from you have, by my wife's instigation, prepared 30 
bush, of wheate for the present, and Sister Glover hath 12 lb of candles 
ready for you. My w4fe hath also procured a maid-servant for you, who 
is reported to be cleanly and saving ; her mother is of the Church, and 
she is kept from a place in Conncctacut (where she was much desired) 
to serve you. 

At last Joseph Alsop arrived here in safety on the Lord's day, and in 
the Assembly gave thaiiks for his comfortable passage. By him I 
received (instead, of 3-ourselfe and yours, wdiose presence was heartily 
desired by us all) a letter from you, dated on the day before his arrivall, 
whereby I understood that some providences intercurring hindred and 
disappointed your reall intentions of coming with your family to us, 
both before, and by him. The hazzard and danger suspected, you now 
see, was more in ungrrounded imacrinations of those who laboured to 
hinder your proceeding, than in the reality and trueth of the cause 
praetended by them. Yet we have hope that by another vessel (I hcare 
]\P Yongs, ni fullor) you will be accomodated for transportation of your 
familye and what you purpose to Ijring hither, and that you incline to 
improve that opportunity, — whereof I am glad. Many hands are daily 
at worke for the iron-buisnes ; onely your presence is wanting to sett all 
things in a right course. If ?vl" Winthrop knew how wellcome she 
will be to us, she ^\^ould, I believe, neglect whatsoever others doe or 
may be forward to suggest for her discouragement. Salute her, with 
due respect, in my name and my wifes, most affectionately, together 
with M" Lake. The Lord Jesus pave your waye, and make your 
journey to us speedy and prosperous ! In wliom I rest, Sir, 

Your exceedingly obliged, 

John Daa'enport. 
NE^VHA^^i:x, this 22 of the 0^^' 55. 

My wife had a man in pursuite that would be very fitt to manage 
your Island, if a mariiage, whieh he is about, doth not liinder. My 
Sonne presents his humble ser^-ice. ... I thanck you for the 2 bookes 
you sent me to peruse, which I am readuig diligently.^ 

1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Scries 3, vol. x. pp. 12-11. A 
>Yeek later Davenport v^rote again to say that he bad laid iu some tables and chairs, 
and that the apples M-ouid bo kept safe from frost. 

ftviAiUii^Mu •ntiilUi'\<lmiiwt«mmil\ttn, mm 

JOHN wiNTirrvOP THE youngp:r 49 

These later undertakings at New London and New Haven 
evidently did not cause liiin to abandon earlier ones in the parent 
Colony^ as in May, 1G5G, the Massachusetts General Court voted: — 

This Court takeiiige into consideraco the uiicertnynty of pciircing salt 
amongst its for o"^ necessary uses, & what salt liath bin of kite gotten 
hath bin at very deare rates, & whereas W John Winthrop profereth 
to make salt for the colonic after a new way, never before devised or 
practised, & desireth that none other may make salt v/ithin this jurisdic- 
tion for the space of 21 yeares after his manner, w*^^ none before hath 
known or nsed, & tliat he may have that priviledge graunted him by 
this Court : this Gen^^ Court therfore doth hereby graunt rmto the s*^ 
M'" John Winthrop the priviledge of makeing salt after his new way 
within this jurisdiction, & that none other dureing the s*^ terme shall 
make salt after his manner witho.ut the s^ M^ Wintlu'ops speciall 

However gratifying it may -have been to the townspeople of 
New Haven, and to Winthrop' s personal friends in that neighbor- 
hood, to have him so much among them, it excited a very oppo- 
site feeling in the Pequot country, and the following passage from 
a letter of Jonathan Brewster to liim, dated Mohegan (near New 
London) Jan. l-t, 165f-, brings to mind the affectionate remon- 
strances of Nathaniel Ward, more than twenty-one 3'ears before, 
on the subject of Winthrop's long absence from Ipswich : — 

Sir, I with the rest of myne earnestly dcsyi'e your rcturne, with your 
famil}^, if it miglit stand with your profitt & conveniency. Wee & the 
whole Towne & Churcli wantes yon. We are as naked Avithout you, 
yea indeed, we are as a body without a liead, & would that we might 
injoye your presence. I feare God sees us not worthy to such a bless- 
ing. M}' praiei-s to God is & shall be to him for that end, and my poore 
ability slrall not be wanting to further the same. I liave therefor stirred 
the Townesmen to grant you what encouragement they can afford you to 
sett up a Forge liere, which ma}' be one meanes to bringe you backe againe. 

There is a very characteristic letter from Brewster to ]\Irs. 
Winthrop, written on the same day, and for the same purpose. 
In it he says : — 

1 Kecords of Massachusetts, vol. iii. p. 400. 


"When I or mine has occasion to come to Pequott nnd behold your 
house, and netlici" you nor any of yours there, it makes us sad & sorrow- 
fulL . . . Yet Avhen I consider your engagements of returning againe 
to your ohl habitation anrongest us, your poore neighbors, it is as lyfe 
from death, c^ gives spiritt to me & myne to rest contented till that tyme 
come to enjoy 3'our swete society once more, which will be made moi'c 
pleasant, & I hope proiitabile, than before, as oft times it faulles out soe 
that the goodnes of a thing is not so ^^'e^ knowen as Avlien it is wanting 
& long absent from us. Therfur I desyre you to prove us once inoie, 
whether we will amend, & make apparent our love & good neighborrcd 
towards you & yours, that you may no more have cause to complaine of 
us. If I miglit have my will, you should not be from Pequott one 
month, . . . 

In the meane tyme, I beseech you, be noe meanes to ^ hinder 
your honnored husband from returning, but ratlier perswad & further 
him in soe desyred a thine:, thouc-'he of us not deserved. ... Be will- 
ing, if God put ls\} V\'inthrop hai't and mynd to come, to consent 
& be ready to forward Jiim thereunto, and not to put any rubbes in tlie 
way to hinder & perswad to stave where you are. You know Aveoraen 
are very strong & powerfull to act this way, & overcoume the strongest 
& wisest men that ever were or are in the woi-ld, by perswations & swete 
allurements to draw as an adamant their husbands will to theires. I 
knowe & am assured better of you, that you Avill hearken to councell & 
reason, though disadvantaigable to your selfe, in which confydence I 
hope once more to see you heare, & shall not be wanting to pray to God 
for that e]Kl.^ 

• From time to time sucii appeals ^vere rene^ved by Brewster and 
others^ the former writing five months later : — 

It would glad my heart to see you heare. I spoke to your Worshipp 
at the River's mouth about tlie same, & then you seemed willing, if 
your new stone house could be in an}^ waies comfortable. Therfore I 
with some more here, & generally the whole Towne, are willing to help 
for that end, which will be both shortly & substantially finished. . . . 
The Indians round about us are all of ffyer, fighting & quarrelling upon 
all occasiones cl- opportunityes, in soe much that all commerce with them 
is stopped, to all our hindrances c^ losses. ... I pray you if possible 

1 Jonathan Brewster was eldest son of Elder William Brewster of Plymouth. For 
these two letters, uith others from him, see Massachusetts Historical Society's Col- 
lections, Series 4, vol. vii. 


to be here at our next Townc-meetiiig, which is appointed to end & 
3oncliide witli Pakatucko, ^listicke & Pcqnott about the old difference, 
^hich is by the hast Courte ordered to agree, if possible, amongst our 
?elves; if not, they have ordered a Connuittie of Magistrats to come 
Jowne to end it. The persons are, first, Your Worshipp, ]Major jNIason, 
Captain CuUeti, ISP Talcott, & jNP" Allin. I intreate you, if possibliely 
}^ou can, to come over to helpe us heerin, so tliat cliardges may be saved 
& scandall may be removed, which ^\-ill be occasioned by the head-strong 
violent spiritts of some of our inhabitants, whom your presenc would 
much restrain .... 

Y^our servant Edmond, with his wife, now at my house, desyred me 
lo informe your Worsliipp that they ar all well upon the Hand. . . . 
Your maid likcAvise wants vessells for to sett milke in, & some chesse 
slothes, & would know your mynd about your wooll, & wantes a siffe, 
& some mealle, for our Mille is in repaiiing & will not be finished in 3 
weekes longer. ... If you could bring that book with you, you might 
io me a pleasuer. 

Indian troubles caused great delay in the receipt of letters, 
which often disappeared altogether, and when he wrote the above 
Brewster was unaware that "vYintbrop had become, moi^e than a 
Qionth before, Governor-elect of Coiuiecticut, a post wdiich would 
before long necessitate his removal from New Haven and admit 
of only occasional visits to New Londoii. This election took 
place May 21, 1657, and the General Court subsequently passed 
the following votes : — • 

May 21. The Court desires Capt. Cullick to write a letter to M"" 
Wintlirop, as speedily as inay bee, to acquaint liim to what place the 
Country have chosen him, & to desire his present assistance as much as 
may bee. 

Aug. 12. This Court orders that ?^P Winthrop, being chosen Gov^no'^ 
of this Collony, shall bee againe desired to come & live in Hartford, 
vv*^ his family, while he gov^'nes, they grant^ him the yeerly use or 
prolitts of the housing & lan<ls in Hartford belonging to ^P John 
Haynes, w*^^ shall be yeerly discharged out of the publicke Treasury. 

Oct. — . The Court doth appoint the Treasurer to provide horses & 
Qien to send for ]\P Winthrop, in case he is minded to come to dwell w*^ us.^ 

1 Colonial Records of Connecticut, vol. i. pp.29S, oOl, 80G. There appear to bene 
letters from him dated Hartford earlier tlian the beaini)in<r of 1G58. 


It was in this same year, 1G57, that Colonel Steplien Win- 
throp, j\I. P., — that ^' great man for soul libertie/' as Iloger 
Williams called him, — offered to put his nephew Fitz-John in 
the Avay of receiving a connnission in the Parliamentary army, 
if he would leave Harvard, where he was then a student, and go 
to England. The young man's tastes were those of a soldier 
rather than a student, and he embraced the earliest opportunity 
of sailing, though his father looked with natural misgivings upon 
the temptations of camp-life for a youth of barely nineteen. But 
two letters from him to his son at this period have been pre- 
served, both written from Boston in September, 1G58, and con- 
taining the following good advice : — 

Be earnest w^^ the Lord in pniier, that having delivered you from 
those great dangers upon the seas, so he would preserve your soule and 
body fro eternall death, and all those snares and temptatioiJS and allure- 
ments of Sathan, sin and the world, y* might plunge your soule into 
perdition. Be carefull to avoid all evill and vaine compau}-, w'^^ are so 
great instrumets of Sathan to draw and intice to evill, and to allure the 
simple into the snares of destruction, as the bird is taken in the nett. 
Whoso is wise will beware of them. Be not drawne, upon any motion 
or pretence whatsoever, into tavernes or aleliouses, or any houses or 
copany of evill fame. I have often forewarned and psuaded you 
against wine and strong drinke, w"^^ if it were only for your health you 
should carefully shun, — yea, the very moderate use thereof. The 
often use of such tilings, though very moderately taken, is originall of 
great diseases and distemp^' ; it never agreeth w*^ the constitution and 
lungs of any of onr family, and is more dangerous in those pts than 
heere.-^ Be very carefull that you doe not rune into such debts as your 
employmet will not produce money for y*^ satisfying therof, for you know 
I being now in no way of trade shall not be able to helpe you w*^ any- 
thing thither by bills or otherwise. Therfore if such euiploymet doth 
not affoard vou comforta])le maintenance you shalbe welcome to returne, 
but seeing Providence hath so ordered that you are among such good 
friends eythcr in England or Scotland, I shall not call you back, but 
leave you to the guidance of y® Almighty to direct yoiu' way. Your 

1 Fitz-John -was then in garrison in Scotland, n Lieutenant in a regiment com- 
manded by his maternal uncle, Thomas Tieade. His uncle Stephen Wintlu'op had 
died suddenly soon after liis arrival in London. 

I iii» iiirY>i>iii<ni«<' iimWi 


mother and sisters were very glad of those letters fro you, and have 
all of tliem written to you. They were in good health when I came 
fro Hartford. You should write by every way y* offers, eyther by 
Barbados, Virginia, or other opji)ortunity, thougli never so breiily. 
Letters sent by way of Barbados or otlier pts must be inclosed to some 
knowne setled pson there that is also knowne heere ; but every direct 
passage I hope you will not faile.^ '.. 

■-.:;,. . "■■;-..■■■ VIII ■■ 

Up to the time that Winthrop became Governor a ride pre- 
vailed in Connecticut that no one should hold the ofhce for two 
successive terms, in accordance witli wliicli systein he became 
Deputy Governor in the following year, and as his duties thus 
proved less engrossing, an effort ^vas made to draw him back to 
New Haven, John Davenport w^riting : — 

If you would please to stock your farme and to give order to have 
your land at Newhaven improved, you might live comfortably upon that 
which is your owne in this place. The people here also would be ready 
to serve you with theyre labours, and to take hold of all good occasions 
of declaring theyre thanckfulness, — really as they are bound to doe — 
for your large and liberal helpefulness to them.^ 

So great a need, however, seems to have been felt at Hartford 
for his services at the helm, that a change was shortly after 
made by wdiich, from 1659 until his death in 1676, he w^as con- 
tinuously elected to the Chief Magistracy, though not ahvays, as 
w*ill be seen, to his ow^n. satisfaction. His wdiole administration 
covered a period of nearly eighteen years, embracing many 
intricate and much vexed questions of boundary lines between 
Connecticut and her neighbors, the obtaining of a Royal Charter, 
the absorption of the Colony of New Haven, hostilities wdth the 
Dutch, and bloody and protracted conflicts w^ith Indian tribes. 
To describe all these is not the purpose of this narrative, but 
some brief account is necessary of that oHlcial residence in Ensr- 

1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Scries 5, vol. viii. pp. 45-51. 

2 Ih'uL, Series 3, vol. x. p. 22. 


land, from IGGl to 1663, which figures so conspicuously in his 

The Restoration of Charles II had excited very natural un- 
easiness in Connecticut, and an earnest desire was felt to obtain a 
Eoyal Charter similar to that enjoyed by Massachusetts. The best 
chance of ef(;ecting this seemed to lie in the representation of the 
Colony in London by some one who possessed influential friends 
there, and Winthrop was accordingly sent out as Agent without 
relinquishing the Governorship, the General Assembly voting 
£500 for liis expenses, — a sum which the Treasurer was unable 
to pay until long afterward, but wdiich, in order to expedite 
matters, \Yinthrop raised by a mortgage of his Fisher's Island 
estate. He was fortunate to fmd still living his old patron, Lord 
Say, who strongly recommended him to another great friend of 
the Puritans, the Earl of Manchester, then Lord Chamberlain.^ 
The latter made him acquainted with various prominent persons 
at Court, and the uj^shot was that, though detained abroad much 
longer than he first expected, he ultimately met with gratifying 
success, and was able to bring back a Charter conferring far 
more ample privileges than those he represented had dared to 
hope for. Associated with it in many minds is the following 
romantic legend, not improbably a creation of the fertile brain of 
Cotton Mather, which lias since been gravely narrated by some 
historians, besides figuring prominently in the pages of novelists 
and poets : — • 

M^ Winthrop had an extraordinary ring, which had been given his 
grandfather by King Charles the First, wliich he presented to the King. 
This, it is said, exceedingly pleased liis ]\hijesty, as it had been once the 
property of a father most dear to him. Under these circumstances, the 
petition of Connecticut was presented, and was received with uncom- 
mon grace and favor.^ 

1 See Say's letter to Winthrop of Dec. 14, IGGl. ^Massachusetts Historical 
Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. i. p. 39 i. 

2 TrumbulFs History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 248. 

JOHN wiNTiiROP tup: younger 55 

In sober fact, Wintlirop's grandfather was a quiet Suffolk 
squire, of scholarly tastes and strong Puritan leanings, whose 
duties as a county magistrate did not require his attendance at 
Court, who died at a good old age two years before Charles I 
came to the throne, and who would seem to have been one of the 
last persons to have attracted the favor of that monarch when 
Prince of Wales. Moreover, in the common-place books, still ex- 
isting, in which this old gentleman was in the habit of recording 
viemorahiUa of famous personages, there is no mention of the gift 
to himself by a prince of the blood of ^^an extraordinary 
ring," and the anecdote is j^robably one of those curious fables 
which encrust themselves upon history. It is, however, true that 
before Winthrop returned to New England he received a minia- 
ture of Charles II from the King liimself, a distinction due,' it 
may fairly be inferred, to his winning manner and diplomatic 
address, though the fact that his son had been a Captain in 
Monk's army on its famous march to London may possibly have 
contributed towards it. A later historian sums up his account of 
the whole matter as follows : — 

Wintlirop was backed by powerful friends. He possessed singular 
qualifications for the business with which he was charged; and he 
applied himself to it with zealous diligence. AVitli the pliancy which 
made part of his graceful character, he overcame the disgust that must 
have possessed him in approaching those whose savage revenge had just 
brought sorrow into his own home,^ and remembering only that he Avas 
the Governor and the envoy of Coimecticut, solicited personal good- 
will in evciy quarter wliei-e it might serve her interests. These facts, 
however, afford but an insufficient explanation of the extraordinary 
result of his endeavours. We are still left to inquire liow it could be 
that a wary and ambitious minister, who, in the new zeal of office, was 
gathering into his master's hands all power that could be seized, was 
brought to make a formal grant of what almost amounted to in- 

1 Hugh Peter had been beheaded as a regicide less than a year before. 

2 Palfrey's History of Xe^Y England, vol. ii. pp. 541-542. The reference is to Lord 


Next to success in this mission he greatly enjoyed tlie oppor- 
tunit}^ it afforded him for renewing and enlarging his acquaint- 
ance with men of learning. The Koyal Society for improving 
Natural Knowledge, though not incorporated until 1G62, was first 
organized in IGGO, and its records show that, on the 11th of 
December IGGl, Winthrop was proposed for membership by his 
friend William Brereton, afterward Lord Brereton. Admitted 
to the Society a few weeks later, he took an active part in its 
proceedings from that time until his departure from England in 
the early summer of 1GG3, readmg papers upon a variety of 
subjects, — such as strange tides, the refining of gold, the mak- 
ing of pitch, tar, and pot-ashes, the planting of timber, the* build- 
ing of ships in North America, deep-water soundings, black lead, 
a new way of Trade and Banking, and the brewing of beer from 
maize bread, — besides exhibiting at meetings a self-feeding 
lamp apparently invented by himself, a precious stone of different 
colors, a curious variety of earth which would float an hour with- 
out sinking, some bluish grains of corn grown in the West Indies, 
and the drawing; of a vessel built in New Eng^land.-' 

Scientific experiments were his chief delight, and but for the 
separation from his wife and daughters we may well imagine this 
to have been the happiest part of his life.^ 

War between England and Holland having broken out afresh, 
at the desire of the Royal Commander, Eichard Nicolls, Winthrop 
was present, in August lGG-4, at the Capitulation of New Nether- 
land, thenceforth known as New York, having used his personal 
influence wdth the Dutch Governor Stuyvesant to persuade him 
to surrender. Both his public duties and private concerns were 
exceptionally burdensome during the next few years. Despite 

1 Birch's History of the Royal Society, toI. i. passim. 

2 During her husband's absence IMrs. Winthrop passed a large part of her time in 
Massachusetts, where her eldest daughter had married llev. Antipas Kewnian, J\Iin- 
ister of Wenham, afterward of Rehoboth. The regiment of Fitz-John Winthrop ^Ya3 
disbanded not long after the Restoration, and he was much with his father in London, 
where his younger brother joined tliem. 


his untiring diligence and his undoubted capcacity, he met with 
serious pecuniary losses. Neither his iron-works nor his lead- 
mines had been profitable, — the latter having been discontinued 
owing to the Indian wars, — while ships in Avhose cargoes he had 
latterly become largely interested were captured hy the Dutch 
Admiral De Ruyter.^ Accordingly, in 1667, he asked permission 
to retire from the Governorship, alleging that his affairs were in 
urgent need of closer attention and that his duty to his family did 
not justify a further continuance in office. The General Assem- 
bly, however, refused consent, protesting that he could not be 
spared, and, to make things easier for him, they released his estate 
from taxation and granted him £110 out of the public treasury.^ 
Such leisure as he could spare at this period was given to cor- 
responding with his colleagues of the Eoj^al Society, and although 
the most elaborate papers he sent home to them were consigned 
by De Euyter's cruisers to the bottom of the British Channel, 
yet there still remain to be consulted long letters of his dealing 
in turn with astronomical and chemical researches, with tides, 
water-spouts, caterpillars, comets, minerals, sea-dredging, the 
blight of corn, the effects of lightning, new ways of making salt 
and tar, with other topics too numerous to mention.^ In one 
letter to the President of the Society, Sir Eobert Moray, he de- 
scribes his reasons for suspecting the existence of a fifth satellite 
of Jupiter, — a discovery reserved to our own time, — and he 
made other observation's with a little telescope subsequently given 
by him to Harvard College, the earliest astronomical instrument 
which that institution is known to have possessed.^ 

^ Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 5, vol. viii. p. 134. 

2 TnimbuH's History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 317. 

8 Wiutlirop's correspondence %vitli the Iloyal Society, — or such of it as escaped 
the Dutch, — is to be found in J^Iassachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, 
Series 1, vol. xvi. pp. 20G-251, and it has also been privately printed in pamphlet 

^ See a letter to him from the Corporation of Harvard on this subject, dated Feb. 
2, 167^, and printed in Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, Series 2, vol. 
iv. pp. 2G5-2GG. 



In October, 1670, he ^vrote from Boston again offering to 
resign the Governorship, assigning as a reason '' the necessity 
eyther of a voyage into England, or much longer stay in Mas- 
sachusetts than I intended when I came from Hartford," and he 
had previously chafed at being able to be so little at Fisher's 
Island, where he had long been successful in breeding horses, 
and had in view fresh experiments in making salt.-^ The General 
Assembly, however, renewed their refusal, but endeavored to con- 
sole him by A'oting a further increase of salary, accompanied by 
valuable grants of land.^ At the close of 1G72 came the great 
sorrow and irreparable loss of his old age, the death at Hartford 
of his wife, who had over-fatigued herself in taking care of him 
during a severe illness, and whose memory is perpetuated by affec- 
tionate allusions to her in the letters of Eoger Williams, — one 
in particular. Near the village of Wickford in the Narragansett 
country, which took its name from her English home, was a spring 
at which she often drank in journeys to and from Boston, and 
which became widely known as Elizabeth's Spring. It was in 
allusion to it that Williams subsequently wrote her bereaved 
husband : — 

I constantly thinck of you and send np one remembrance to Heaven 
for yon, and a groan from my selfe for myselfe, when I pass Elizabeth's 
Spring. Here is the Spring say I (with a sigh) but where is Elizabeth ! 
My charity answers, she is gone to the Eteriial Spring and Fountaine of 
Living Waters.^ 

King Philip's war broke out in 1675 and some idea of the 
anxieties which beset Winthrop may be gleaned from the follow- 
ing extract from a long letter which Williams wrote hun on the 
25th of June : — 

1 The first horse ever seen in Connecticut is stated to have been brought there by 
Winthrop in 1G45, and tlie stud farm maintained by him at Fisher's Island was con- 
tinued by his sons and grandson. 

^ TrumbulFs History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 321. 

« Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. p. 299. 


Wliile we were discoursing .... in comes (as from Heaven) your 
dear son ]\Iajor Winthrop to our assistance. . . . The last niglit they 
have (as is tliis morning said) slaine 5 English of Swansie & brought 
their lieads to PJiillip, e^ mortally wounded 2 more, with the death of 
one Indian. By letters from the Governour of Plymmout}i we heare 
that tlie j^lymmouth forces (about 200), with Swansie & Rehoboth men, 
were this day to give battell to Phillip. Sir, my old bones & eyes are 
wear}^ with travel, c^' writing to the Governours of Massachusets & Pode 
Island, & now to your selves. I end with humble cr^^es to the Father of 
Mercies to extend, liis ancient & Avonted mercies to N : England.^ 

He had no^v entered tlie seventieth year of a life wliicli had 
involved unremitting exertion and much exposure to severity of 
climate. It is not tlierefore to be wondered at that the pressure 
of physical infirmities had begun to bear heavily upon him, but 
when, for the third time, he asked permission to relinquish the helm 
to a younger jDilot, proposing to recruit his health by a voyage to 
England,^ he was met by such a chorus of remonstrance that he 
resigned himself to die in harness, nor had he long to wait. In 
Sei:)tember, 1075, he proceeded to Boston to attend a protracted 
session of the Commissioners of the United Colonies. In March, 
167G, when preparing to return to Hartford, he took cold, became 
feeble, and on the 10th of April was laid beside liis father in 
wha.t is now King's Chapel grave-yard. 

Seven and thirty years had then elapsed since he is known 
to have occupied his house at the East End of Ipswich, but 
that ho continued during all this time in some degree in 
touch with the town is shown by occasional allusions in his 
domestic correspondence, particularly in the letters of Sanmel 
Symonds, who at one time speaks of a visit from three of 
Winthrop's dangliters '' all in health, & as merry as very good 
cheere k Ipswich frends can malce them," — at anotlicr time 

1 IMar^saclmseUs Historical Society's Colloctions, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. o01-2. Both 
AVinthrop's sous were tlieu in the military service of Connecticut, but the younger 
was in command of this detachment, owing to his brotlier's illness. 

2 See his letter to the General Court of Connecticut, in IbUL, Series 5, vol. viii. 
pp. 16S-1G9. 


writes, '^ our friends at Salem, "Wcnliam, & Ipswicli arc all in 
health, blessed be God," — and ^vlio not infrequently expresses 
the hope of a visit from Wintlirop himself, the last of these invi- 
tations being as late as 1675. 

He left behhid him an irnusually large landed property, — 
much of it unimproved, — scattered through the jurisdictions of 
Connecticut, New York, and Massacliusetts, the heirs being seven 
children, two sons and live daughters, several other children 
having died befoi-e hhn. His eldest son, Fitz-John, is best 
remembered as general in command of the Expedition against 
Canada in 16 DO, as Agent of Connecticut at the Court of AYil- 
liam and Mary, and as long Governor of that Colony. The 
younger, AA^ait, married for his first wife a daughter of Hon. Yf il- 
liam Browne, of Salem, and after liis father's death resided chiefl}^ 
in Boston, where he sat for a long period in the Executive Council, 
became Chief Justice of the Superior Court, and was for nearly 
thirty years Major-General commanding the Massachusetts Militia. 
His second wife and widow figures prominently in Judge Sewall's 
diary. The five daughters ^vcre Elizabeth, who married, first, 
Rev. Antipas Newman, already alluded to, and second, Zerubbabel 
Endecott, a son of Governor John Endecott, leavhig issue only 
by her first marriage ; Lucy, who became first wife of Major 
Edward Palmes of New London, and died without surviving issue ; 
Margaret, who married John Corwin of Salem, and left issue; 
JMartha, who became third wife of Hon. Ilichard Wharton of 
Boston, and left two daughters ; Anne, who became second wife 
of Hon. John Eichards of Boston, and died without issue. 

It is rarely, if ever, the lot of a })ublic man to escape criticism, 
and some features of AVinthrop's policy have been called in ques- 
tion. Li a discriminating review of his administration a distin- 
guished historian says : — 

It is painful to have to speak in terms of measured commendation of 
a man so virtuous as the second John Winthrop. Apart from his dis- 

' ±l*/^iy.''l'^ ' 'M*^Jj'*l!!l ' !^'}^^^^ ' ' ., .. . M — i II , .-.^-^^^■-^■-— .-.. ...^ .. rr.-.- — "^r-'"'[1rM-|tiii-fiifi iiiri) 

JOHN >YiNTii]:op tup: youngku 61 

tinguislied elegance and acoomplislimcnts of mind, which belong to a 
different category, he was singularly amiable in all private relations. 
So gracefully did he bear liis eminence, that no one was provolvcd to 
traduce or so much as prompted to envy him. He was so gentle and 
generous that to dissent from him cost a struggle. Everybody wished 
well to him who was everybody's well-wisher and hel})er. Tlie cham- 
pions of Xew Haven, excited as they were, never mention him with 
harshness. Even John Davenport, with his strong and stern character, 
and his more just and comprehensive views of public affairs, could 
scarcely bear, in. that catastroplic of Xew Haven which fired his heart, 
to oppose himself to his old and kind fiiend. AVinthrop had, within his 
sphere, an excellent talent for affairs, llie internal administration of 
his Colony was conducted by him with great skill and good sense, as 
well as dilii^ence. 

But to bestow on him the same amount of praise that is due to his 
illustrious father would be to confoimd things that widely differ. His 
character had not the same heroic cast. This was by the inferiority 
of his nature, and not by any vice of his principles. But history, which 
should express the cultivated moral sense of mankind, must not place 
any, who are borne away on a current of seductive or bewildering influ- 
ence, on the same level with those wdio breast the tide with hearts of 
controversy, sustained by consciousness of power in themselves, and by 
a supreme confidence that, against whatever strength of opposition, 
trutli and right will prove their sufficient allies. ... 

It should not occasion surpiise, if the experiences, public and pri- 
vate, through v\'hich the Governor of Connecticut had passed before the 
restoration of the British monarchy, at which time he was fifty-five 
years old, had somewhat toned down the enthnsiasm with which under 
parental influence he had entered upon life. He had now seen the once 
competent fortune of his family sacrificed in carrying out his father's 
generous enterprise. He had seen the great patriot party in England, 
which bespoke the devotion of his youth, dismally discredited by the 
errors of those whom events pushed to its front, and all its power scat- 
tered, and its glory vanished like a dream. 

It is no more than just to believe that Winthrop went to England 
after the Kestoration without a purpose to wrong Kew Haven, or to 
weaken the Confederacy of the Eour Colonies. In England, where his 
estimable and winning qualities were at once I'ecognized, he was caressed 
and petted by men who did ]iot love his adopted country as he did, or 
Avho, at all events, did not see its vital interests and honor in tlie light 
in which they were regarded by her own wisest sons. Lord Manchester, 


Lord Anglesey, Lord Holies, and otlier Puritan nobles, who had become 
courtiers as the best tliino- to be done in those evil times, were willin^f 
to x>atronize Xew England, but only Avith circumspection and reserve. 
The aged Lord Saye and Sele, the early patron of the suitor from Con- 
necticut, had had enough of opposition to the King, and he had no 
partiality for the Colony of Xew Ila^xn, which had been erected, with- 
out leave asked, on land of which he claimed to be a proprietor by royal 
grant. Robert Boyle, and the academicians over whom he presided, 
conferred the signal honor of election to their Society on the philosopher 
from beyond the water; and Boyle made no secret of his opinion tliat 
his New England friends would do well to be tractable and quiet. 
Lord Clarendon, whose scheme of Colonial policy was ripe, saw his 
opportunity to practise on the amiable eiivoy, and the blandishments of 
that courtly though arbitrary statesman were not easy to withstand.^ It 
is not safe for the most upright man to receive flattering attention's from 
those whose political designs he ought not to favor. It is by no means 
always to ill intentions, or to general incapacity, on the part of import- 
ant actors, that political errors and disasters are to be traced. If the 
influences to which Winthrop was subjected in England confused his 
perceptions of a patriot's duty, there is no proof that they ever tempted 
him to do a conscious wrong. It is fair to suppose that he was brought 
to see or to believe that an annexation of New Haven to Connecticut 
was the best provision attainable b}^ liim for the well-being of both 
Colonies, and he honestly desiretl to make the calamity as little aftlicting 
as possible to the aggrieved Colony.- 

The foregoing passage was penned nearly forty years ago, and 
in the interval there has been a perceptible increase in the number 
of those students of history who incline to doubt "whether the an- 
nexation of New Haven to Connecticut w\as either an error of 
judgment or a grave disaster. This is not the place to discuss 
such a question. At all events, the habitual moderation of Win- 
throp s political course ^vas generally recognized, even by his op- 
ponents. Writing to him in 16G0, Roger Williams said : — 

1 In a footnote the author refers to a letter from Winthrop to Loyle in the "Works 
of the Honorable Robert Boyle, i. Ixxi., and prints a ^vell-lvno^yn letter from Claren- 
don to Winthrop, dated April l?S, lOiM. See also Boyle's letter to Winthrop, of April 
21, 1664, in Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, Series 1, vol. v. pp. 276-277. 

2 Palfrey's History of Xew England, vol. iii. p. 234-2;>7. 


Sir, you were, not long since, the son of two noble fatliers, I\P John 
Winthrop and ^M'" II. Teters. Surely I did evei-, from my soule, lionor 
and love them even wlien their judgments led them to ulUict me. Yet 
the Father of Spirits spares us breath, and 1 rejoice that youre name is 
not blurrd, but rather hoJiord, for your prudent and moderate hand in 
the late Quakers trials amongst us. And it is said tliat in the late 
Parliameiit your selfe were one of the three in nomination for Gen: 
Governor over New England, which however that design ripend not, 
yet your name keepes up a high esteeme. ... I rejoice to hear that you 
gain, by new plantatioiis, upon this wilderness. The sight of youre 
hand hath quieted some jealousies that the Bay designed some prejudice 
to the liberty of conscience amongst us, and my endeavor shall be (with 
God's helpe), to wellcome, with both our hands and amies, 3'our interest 
in these parts, though we have no hope to enjoy your personall residence 
amongst us.^ 

And in tlie last letter Winthrop is known to liavc received 
from Mm, dated Dec. 10, 1675, and accompanying the gift of a 
little volume of poetry, Roger Williams wrote : — 

I have heard that you have bene in late consultations semper idem, 
semper pacifiens^ & I hope tlierein heatus. You have always bene noted 
fortendernes toward mens soules, especially for conscience sake to God. 
You have bene noted for tendernes toward the bodies & infirmities of 
poor mortalls. You liave bene tender too toward the estates of men in 
your civill steerage of government, & toward tlie peace of the land, yea, 
of these wild savages. I presume you are satisfied in the necessitie of 
these present hostilities, ^l' tliat it is not possible to keepe peace with 
these barbarous men of blood, who are as justly to be repelld & sub- 
dued as wolves that a.s»:;ault the slieepe. God hath lielpt yourselfe & 
others with wonderfuU selfe denyall & patience to keep off this neces- 
sitie. But God (against whom only there is no fighting) is pleased to 
put this iron yoake u[K)n our necks & (as he did with the Canaanites) 
to harden tliem against Joshua to their destruction. I fear the event of 
the justest war ; but if it please God to deliver them into our hands, I 
know you will antiqiium oltinere^ & still endeavour that our sword may 
make a difference, & i^arccrc suhjcctis^ though we dclcUarc svperhos. . . . 

Sir, I hope the not approach of 3'our deare son Tvitli his (your forces 
of Connecticut) is only through the intercepting of the posts ; for we 

^ M.issachu^tts Historical Society's Collections, Series 3, vol. x. pp. 27-28. 


have now no passing by Elizabeths Spring williout a strong foote. God 
vnll have it so. Dear Sir, if we cannot save our patieiits, nor relations, 
nor Indians, nor English, oh let us make sure to save the bird in our 
bozome, & to enter into that straight dore & narrow way, which the 
Lord Jesus himself e tells us, few there be that find it.^ 

In conclusion. Governor John AYinthrop the younger will not 
go down in liistoiy as cast in the heroic mould of his father. 
Probably, but for his father's sake, he would not have remained 
in New England many years, so strong was his bent towards sci- 
ence. There can, however, be no question that, by those who 
find time to study his remarkable career, he will always be 
regarded as an exceptionally many-sided man, conscientious and 
self-sacrificing, who entered heart and soul into whatever he 
undertook, and who, whether as a scholar, a soldier, a pioneer, a 
statesman, or a man of business, was greatly valued by his con- 
temporaries, and considered all-important to many enterprises. 

1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Series 4, vol. vi. pp. 305-30G. 



An Inventohie of M^. AVinthiiops Goods of Ipswitch ^ 

/?7ip7 In the Cham^ ov^ the l^irlor 

1 feath' bed 1 banckett 1 cov^'lett 1 blew rugg 1 bosier & 2 pillowes 

1 trimck marked w*^ 11. AY. F. - vv'berein is ^ 

1 mantle of silk w*^ gld lace 

1 holland tableclotli some 3 yds loimg 

Ipttt boll sheets 3 

1 pillobear half full of childs linning etc . j 

6 childs blanketts Avhereof 1 is bare million (vermilion ?) | 

1 cushion for a child of chamlett 

1 cours table cloth 3 y"^'^ long 
6 cros cloths & 2 gnives (?) 

9 childs bedd& (beeds ?) 2 duble clouts 1 p'^ lioll sleeves 
4 apons ^Yhercof 1 is laced 

2 smocks 2 p^ sheets 1 napkin ■. 

1 wliit square chest wherein is 

1 doz dyp [diaper ?] napkins 1 damsk napkin 
1 doz holl napkins 

1 This iiiventory, mentioned on pages 9 and 10, exhibits the personal effects 
and live stock loft in Ipswich by Winthrop on his departure for England in the 
autumn of 1G31, after the loss of his wife and child. It has ah-eady been printed by 
this Society, but the suggestion has been made that it will hereafter be convenient to 
be able to refer to it in this volume. 

2 These initials were probably A. W. F. (Anne Winthrop Fones, mother of 
Winthrop's wife). 

fi Twilled holland ? 


2 doz & 2 napkins 

2 cubcrd clotlis 
11 pillowbeares 
11 iXCiii^'P^ii^s 

2 table cloths 
• 4 towills 

1 tttbollsliirt . • . 

2 d3^p to^yills 

3 dyp table cloths 
Ip'tCt^ioll sheets 

1 long great chest ^Yhe^e in is 
1 black gowne tam'y ^ 
1 gowne sea greene 

1 childs baskett 

2 old petticotts 1 red [itlcr/.] 1 sand colP serg 
1 p"" leatli^ stocki]is 1 muff 

1 window cushion 
5 quision cases 1 small pillowe 
i 1 peecc stript linsy woolcy 
1 p'" boddyes 

1 tapstry cov^lett . . ' 

1 peeco lininge stuff for curtins 
1 red bayes cloake for a woman 
1 p'" of sheets 

In the Cham^ ov*" the Kychin 

1 featli'^ bed 1 boster 1 pillowe 2 blanketts 2 iTiggs bl & w* 

2 floq bedds 5 ruggs 2 bolsters 1 pillowe 
1 broken Avarming pan 

• , : . In the Garrett Chani^ ov^ the Storehoivse 

maney small things glasses potts &c 

In the Parlor 

1 bedsted 1 trundle bedsted w*^ curtins & vallenccs 
1 table & 6 stooles 

^ Taminy, a sort of ^YOollen cloth. 

j.t^, I w«i fiftt iiirfll 



1 muskett 1 small fowleiiig peece w^^ rest & bandelcer 

1 trunkc of pewter 

1 cabbinett wherein the servants say is rungs, jewills, 13 silv^ spoones 

this I cannot open ^;, , 

1 cabbinett of Surgerie 

l7i the KTjUcliiii 

1 brass baking pan * ^ 

5 milk pans ' 

1 small pestle & morter 

\ Steele mill ' 

14 nmsketts rests & bandeleers 

2 iron kettles 2 copp'^ 2 brass kettles 

1 iron pott 

2 bl jacks 

2 skillitts whereof 1 is brasse ' 

4 poringers 

1 spitt 1 grat^ 

1 p'' racks 1 p^ andirnes 1 old iron rack 

1 iron peele 1 grediron 1 p'* tongs 

2 brass ladles 1 p'" bellowes 
2 stills w^^^ bottums [?] 

In M^ Wards hands 

1 silv^ cupp 6 spoones 1 salt of silver 

*In the xoarc hoivse , 

2 great chests naled iipp 

1 chest 1 trunk w^^ I had ord"" not to open 
1 chest of tooles 

6 cowes G steeres 2 heiffers 
d}^'ers peeees of iron & Steele 

P^ne Will CLAr.KE , 

Indorsed by Governor Winthrop : Innyer (?) of my sones goods (last 
tv:o ivords illojlllc) 



Letters to John WiNTiiRor, J''^^ 

To my loxeing Irotlicr John IVinthroj), Ussq^^ in England or clsiuhere, del, 

Septemb27: 1012. 
Loving brotlier, 

I could not but writ thes fewc lines unto you, being yerey 

desierus to heare from you, it being so I cannot see you heare ; but 

I hop it ^yill not be long but you will bee licare. Wee thinke the time 

verey long since you wint awtiy. Wee know it cannot but be verey 

groves to my sistar to be so long absent from you, thotli she bares 

it verey well before company. Tlierfore I pray hastin to us aiid let not 

Wate Still wate any longer. You know, I suppose, your sones name is 

S0.2 I must be brefe becas I am unfit to writ much. I have laine in 

and have another lekill girll, and Ijave kept m.y chambar tliis ]iine wekcs, 

and liave had a sore brest, but the Lord hath bin verey good to me. 

My liusban is well, and 'is at the Jniy at the Court aconsulting what to 

doe about the Ingines. Wee are in feare of thim. My sistar Lake is 

heare and desires to be rcmerabarcd to you. This with my love to 

you remembared, I commct you to the Lord and rest 

Your ever loving Sistar 

Martha SnioNs. 

For my "very lovcing Uncle, JohnWinthrope Esg_^ now in Boston, this 'jprescnt. 

Loveing Uncle, 

This is to intreat you to remember to make some thing for my 
mans arme, and leave it with my Sister Duncan, and if 3-ou can con- 
veniently, sometlnng for niy eyes, for the rume troubles me as it did 
before, and some direction liow I should use it. I had hopes of coming 
to Boston before now, but the wcatlier hath much hindered me in my 

1 Early Ip?;wich letters, however iiniiiiportant, possess a certain interest, and 
these two are the only ones found among Winthrop's paj^ers which were addressed to 
him by their resi^ective ^Yriters. The first is from liis wife's sister, the second wife of 
Samuel Symonds, vdio had })reviously married Daniel Eppes, the elder. The second 
is from this lady's son Daniel F^ppes, the younger, who subsequently married Eliza- 
beth Symonds, a daughter of his step-father by the latter's first wife, Dorothy 

2 Winthrop's second son, born Feb. 2G, \()\\ , during his father's absence, 
was christened Waite Still, but was afterward habitually known only as Wait. He 
is sometimes stated to have been born in IGi^, but this letter, and the records of 
the First Church of Ijoston, establish the contrary. 

appp:m)ix 69 

occasions, and liavc little hope of coming within an}^ short time. If 
providence should so order that wee doe not see you here nor there, 
I would intreat you to present my scrvis, with my wife's, to my Ant 
Winthrope, and our love to all our coussens. Soc haveing no more 
to trouble you witli, I shall remaine jours to be comanded in any 
servis. _ 

Daniell Epps. 

From Ipswich, 3. S'^} 1G58. ; ^ 

/.:. ^; '■ ■ .. :;/' III. 

Will of John Wintiirop, J''-, 1G61. 

I being at present, through the goodnese of the Almighty, in good 
health of body, yet intending (if God please) to make a voyage over 
the seas into Europe, — finding to iny full satisfaction after long & 
serious consideration the Lord directing me thereunto, as by a full, 
cleere <fe necessary call to undertake that voyage, — I doe coinitt 
my selfe, soule <R:. body, into the hands of the Almighty, my faithfull 
Creator tt mereifull Ivedeemer, whether in life or death, relying 
only upon his divine providence & goodnesse for protection & guidiiiice. 
in this long voyage, — so relying only upon the meritts of my gratious 
Saviour for the salvation of my Soule in tlie day of his glorious appear- 
ing & the resurrection of the just, resting in full hope & assurance 
of my part thei-ein through the wonderfull power & virtue of his 
resurrection, I thought it necessary for the setling of my outward 
estate for the cofort of my family, to make this my last Will & 
testament in maner followincr: — 

First, 1 desire that all my just debtes may be satisfied out of 
my stock of horses, mai,es, goates, sheepe, and great cattle, — such 
as are not lett out, — as also out of the rents of my Hand, and 
Mill at New London, if other stock will not doe it, — w'^^ ever may 
be best done according to the ordering of the Executors, w*^ the advice 
of any friends they may see cause to take councell of in y*^ case. 

I give ct bequeath to my deare wife one hundred pounds p annii 
to be paid unto hir yearly during liir life in this maner following : — 
That whereas my hirmc of ^listick is made over as a joynture to hir 
for hir maintenance during hir life, it is my will, and my true intent & 
meaning, tliat there slialbe so much more paid unto hir out of Fishers 
Hand, or the ^lill at Xew London, or both, or any otlier of my estate 
as may, — w*-' that rent or profit ts w""^' shalbe fro my said farme at 


Mistick called Tenliills, iicero Charlesto^y^e in the Colony of the 
Massachusetts, and the orchard there, — amount to tlie full suine of 
one hundred pounds p annCi, to be paid to hir at such place as she 
shall direct, w'^^'out any care or trouble to liir selfe. 

I give also to my wife the use and dwelling in n:iy house at 
Tenliills, and that at New London (both as it now is, or when it 
shalbe fmislicd for a dwelling house), during hir life, that she may 
chuse w^^ of those houses she will, or both of them, if she will some- 
times change hir habitation for hir health & the health of hir family. • 
Also, I give hir the use of the house at Hartford w^^ I have hired for the 
remainder of the tyme theieof of this last yeare y*^ it is in my hands. 

Also, I do give unto hir my said wife the use of all the household 
goods, as bedding, pew^ter, brass, iron, linen, or any other things, that 
are eyther at Hartford, or Newdiaven, or New London, or jMistick, 
or Boston, during hir life, & power to dispose of them amongst our 
children as she shall thinke fittest, eyther in her life t3^me or at hir 
death. Also I give hir six cowes, <fc five mares, & the greate gray 
horse, to be hirs to dispose of as she will, and ten slieepe ; and the 
use of my negro Strange, alias Kabooder, halfe his tyme ; — but the 
other halfe I allow to himselfe during his life, if his mistris consent 
to it. My meaning is that he should, if he doth not desire to live 
w*^ hir, or she not willing to keepe him, then he should worke for 
hir, or her assignes, as she hath occation, tlire daies in the weeke, 
& the rest of the tyme to make the best of it for himselfe, — or as he 
can agree w^^ his mistris upon daies,> to take allowaiice of hir for 
that pt of his tyme that I allow him for himselfe if she desireth it 
& he be willing, as they may yearly agree, — & after hir death I sett 
him wholy free to worke or plaut wholy for himselfe, provided he 
did carry liimselfe well to hir, and provided he dotli not sell himselfe, 
pr any other waies dispose of himself to any other, except to be hired 
for some short tyme as an English laborer or woikma. 

And I doe give unto him tlie said Kaboonder twenty acres of 
land, eyther at .Mistick in the Pequot country, or betweene the Saw^- 
mill & Alewife Brook, w^^ he shall chuse, or at Quinibage if there 
be a plantation there, — and if he take it there, I allow him 10 
acres of meadow there, besides the twenty acres of upland, out of 
my division of lands there when it shall come to be divided, or 
before, if my loving friends ^^P Pdcharson & the rest will lay it 
out for him there.^ 

1 By family tradition, Kaboonder 'svas a native African who claimed to have 
been a cliief in his own coimtry, and in whose fidelity Winthrop placed much 


Also, I give to my daughter Luc}^ my farm at Niantiquo w^^ is 
lett out unto Isaac Willie S: liis son in law ^vlio maried liis daughter, 
to hir and hir heires for ever, — but if she should not Jiave lieires of 
hir ownc body, nor dispose of it by AVill, then I give it to my son 
Wait Still Winthrop & his heires for ever, provided he pay out of 
it fifty pounds apiece to my daughters, IMargaret, JNIartha & Anne, 
w"' in one yeare after his right to it should fall out, otherwise the 
rent of it to go to the raising of these fifty pounds, that is, to ]\Iargaret 
the first yeare & Martlia the next, & to Anne the next yeare, so to 
be continued till the said sumes arc paid, & then to be to my sonne 
Wait Still & his heires as aforesaid. Also I give to my daughter 
Lucy one mare tt two cowes, & the little \vhite horse w^^ is called 
liir horse already, ct six sheepe. 

I give to my daughter Margaret that farme w^^ I have at the head 
of Mistick River, neere goodma Culvers, & that land there w'^^' I bought 
of Jeames j\Iorgan, to hir & hir heires for ever, and a mare and thre 
cowes and five ewe sheepe and ten goates, to be put on it. 

Also, I give to my dauglii^er jMartlia the one halfe of that fiftcene 
hudred acres of land w*^^^ I have a grant fru the Court to have it laid out 
behind M'" Brewsters about Poquatanuck, or whereev^ else by the Courts 
consent it may be laid out, to be to hir & hir heires for ever. Also I 
give her one mare & two cowes, & 5 sheepe <fe ten goates. I give the 
other halfe thereof to m}^ daughter Anne & her heires for ever. Also I 
give hir one mare & 2 cowes, 5 sheepe & ten ew goates. 

I give my son Waite Still my gray mare <fe another mare colt, & the 
horse w^^ he hath now. . 

I give also to my negro Caboonder one heifer or cowe, & if it should 
die before he hath of the breed of it, then he to have an other yearling 

Also I give to I\P Samuell Stone, the teacher of Hartford, my worthy 
friend, one young mare of two yeare old, of the breed of the star or 
roane mare, w^^ are the best breed, or in want thereof of any else. 

But if it should fall out that ziny of the foresaid lands should be 
gold necessarily for the paymet of debts or other considerations, tlien 
my will is that there should be double the quantity laid out for any 
of them, to whom the other should have come, at Quinibage, befoi'c my 
other lands there be disjjosed of. 

I give unto my thre younger daughters, IMargaret, iMartha & Anne 
thre hundred pounds apeice, to be paid out of Fishers Hand, and the 
Mill at New London, and the farme at Poquanack, w^^in a yeare after 
their mariage the one halfe, and the other halfe a yeare aft^i-, or as they 

4 A 


shall bo at the age of eighteeno years, and in the meane while, ct till they 
be married, to Ije maiiiteiiied out of tlie ^\d)ole estate; and if any of 
them should die before tlieir mariage then the third part to be to the 
two other <k the rest to my tv/o sonnes. 

I give to my sonne Waite the Sawmill t^Jhe land adjoyning to it, 
Sc that w^^ is betweeiie that tl' Ak-wife Brooke, if it bo not sold ; also that 
w^^ was bought of George Chapell neere the waterside on the ISTorth 
Side of Alewife Brooke ; and. also my share in that w^^ is at iMonhegan 
betwecne Jeames Ivogers & John Elderkin Sc my selfe ; also the house 
Sc: halfe the land at N c^Y London neere the Mill ; also my interest in any 
land at Pacaluck & the Mill there; also my part of the great neck at 
Karagansett where ^lajor Atherton <t Capt. Ilutchenson have theire 
parts ; also halfu of my right of Point Judie or any other pt of Narogan- 
set, & halfe my right of tlie remainder of (^uiiiibage lands; also halfe 
the lead mine at Tantiusqucs .V the land aljout it; and the third pt of 
the cleere i-ent of h^ishers Hand during his life, after his mothers decease 
<fc sisters legacies paid, w'^'^ slialbe hrst ]jaid out of the wdiole estate ; 
and all the other fore mentioned to lie to liim & his heires for ever. 

I give to every one of my daughters six hundred acres of land at 
Quinibage, and to my two sonnes one thousand acres each, to be laid 
out to them all impartially. 

My Avill is that my daughter Xevv'man A ni}' daughter Lucy should 
have one hundred pounds apeice, also to be ])aid out of Fishers Hand ct 
the i\lill at Xew London k Potjuanuck & the whole estate, w*Mn seven 

The rest of my estate I give to my son Fitz-Johi^ and his heires for 
ever, and if eyther of my sonnes should dye w^'-out issue, my wdll is 
that his estate should be halfe to the other son <t the rest to be divided 
among the rest of my child'V; and I doe make & constitute my beloved 
wi'fe, & my two sons, <k my son Newma, and my daughter Lucy ; Ex- 
ecutors of this my AVill. . , . 

Witnessc my hand, July 12, IGCl. 

John Winthhop.^ 

Witnesses hereto, - ^ • 

that it is soe lined: n ' ■ 

Sam. Stone. y 


1 Uiipiibhslied Winthvop Papers. The original is wholly in the handwriting^ 
of the testator, and is closely ^Yri^ten on a single sheet of foolscap, with nnnierous 
interlineations and erasures. It would seem as if he must have intended it as merely 



AViLL OF John Wjxthhop, J'^. IGTG. 

I, Jolm Winthrop, of the Colony of Connccticott in N: Engi., now 
resident in r)Oston, being' sicko in body, but throngli mercy of pfect 
memory & understanding, doe make this my last Will & Testainent as 
followctli, renouncing all other & former Wills whatsoever: 

First, I coinitt ni}- soul unto God my faithfull Creato'^, trusting that 
througli the meritts of my dear Eedeemer I shall have a glorious resur- 
rection of tliis vile body, w^^ shall be made like to his Glorious Body, 
that though, after my skin, the woiines shall destroy this flesh, yet w^^ 
these ej-es 1 shall behold my liedeemer tl^ be for ever w^^^ the Lord. My 
body to the earth, to be decently interred att y^ discretion of my Ex- 
ecuto""^ hereafter named. 

As for my temporall estate, w^^ the Lord hath lent me here, I dis- 
pose of it as foUoweth : — And first my will is that my just debts be 
duely paid, after w^^, & my funerall charges being defrayed, I will & 
bequeath unto my two sonns, Fitz-John & Wayt Still, to each of them 
an equall proportion out of my estate, w'^^ is to be a double portion to 
each of them, — that is, double to what I give to each of my daughters, 
— the rest of my estate to bo equally to my five daughters, viz: Eliza- 
beth, Lucy, ]\Largarett, ]\Lirtha, & Anne. Only, my will is that, in the 
computation of my estate, whereas I liave already given to my daughters 
Elizabeth & Lucy good farmes, w^^' they are in possession of, that that 
may be considered by the overseers of this my Will hereafter named, & 
proportionably accompted as p*^ of their portion, abatem^ to be made out 
of tlie p^'sent legacy, to them given above, accordingly. 

And I doe hereby nominate & apoint my two sons Fitz-John & 
Wait Still, & my five daughters above named, to be Executo^^ ct Execu- 
trixes of this my last M'ill & testament, and I doe request the psens 
hereafter named to accept y^ trouble to be overseers of this Will & settle 
all things accoiilingly. And I do declare that it is my will that if any 
question, dilllculty, or difference arise in or about this my AVill, it shall 

a rough draft, but that, finding himself too busy to re-vrritc it, be proceeded to sign it 
before ^\ itnesses, Tlie signatures of tlie latter are genuine. Filed vrith it was found 
a general Power of Attorney, enabling his wife to manage his property during his 
absence, and suggesting that, in so doing, she should take counsel of his son-in-law 
Newman and his friend Amos Richardson of P>oston. This latter document is dated 
July 3, IGGl, and witnessed by Samuel Stone, Richard Lord, Senr, Matthew Gris- 
wold, John Tinker, and James Xoyes. 


be determined by them or any tliree of tlicm. The psons are: of 
Conectieott, Capt. John yVUin, j\r Will'" Jones, ct Majo]- liobert Treat; 
of Boston, j\P Humphry Davy, ]\P James Allin, & my brother Jolni 

In ^yitncs that this is my last AVill ct Testam* I have hereunto sett 
my hand A: seale. Done in Boston this third day of Aprill, in the year 
of oiu- Lord one thousand six hundred seventy six. 

John WiNTHiiop. 

Signed, sealed, published 

<fc dechxred in p^'sence of 

Thomas Thacher, Sen^ 
" John Bl^UvE. Vera copia : 

*'^, John Allyn, >S'f(?'^. ^ 

, OCTOER 8, 1080. ;. 


' Readers of carl}- New England literature will not improbably recall 
a little Tokimo entitled '•roelical ^Meditations of Roger Wolcott, Esq^," 
published in 17-5, no less llian sixi}^ pages of which are devoted to a 
narrative poem in celebration, of AVinthrop's achievements at the Court 
of Charles II. AYith all due respect for that excellent man, the first 
Governor Wolcott, he does not appear to advantage as a poet, — and 
the same remark may be applied, vsith even greater emphasis, to several 
of Winthrop's contemporaries, wlio, with the best intentions, composed 
funeral elegies in his hoiior. (Jjie of these productions, however — a 
black-letter broadside, of which only one copy is known to exist — con- 
tains some lijies not wholly without merit, and it is here furnished as an 
example of the peculiar manner in which our forefathers struggled to 
express their sympathy in niutrical or rhythmical forms. 

1 Unpublished Wiiitlirop-J^njt'r.s. The original was dictated by Wiuthrop in 
his last illness, and executed by liiiu the day but one before he died. He therein 
styles John Eichards "brother " becaiiNO tlie latter liad married, for his first wife, the 
widow of Winthrop's brother Adam. It should be added that a portion of his lands 
had previously been entailed on the male line of his family for two generations. 

iiMi>ii«h'ifrttt»'litelifiiH> ff Wi<i'ii-|>irtter.» m. n,HkMmM><mkri.„M^:^-,.. Wfli r i I - InBiVMiiifi^iiiili •■i'in>t'''rti liiin' mmtimvllHmimflia 



ru:N'EKAL Tribute 

To the Ilonourahh Dust of that most Charitable Christian, Unbiassed 
Foliticiaii and Unimitable Pyrotechnist 


A Member of the Royal Society, & Governour of Coneetieut Colony 

in Nevj Enyland 

Who expired in his Countreys Service, Ajyril G^\ 1076. 

Another black Parenthesis of woe 
The Printer wills that all the World should know. 
Sage AVinthrop prest with publick sorrow Dies, 
As the Sum total .of our Miseries. 
A Man of worth who well may ranked be 
. Not with tlie thirty but the peerless three 
Of Western Worthies, Heir to all the Stock 
Of praise his Sire received from his Flock. 
Great WintJu'ops Name shall never be forgotten 
Till all New Englands Race be dead and rotten, 
That Common Stock of all his Countries weal 
Whom Grave' and Tomb-stone never can coiiceal. 

Three Colonies his Patients bleeding lie, 

Deserted by their great Physicians eye, 

Wliose common since is poized for their tears. 

And Gates tly open to a Sea of fears. 

His Christian Modesty would never let 

Plis name be near unto his Savioui's set; 

Yet ^Miracles set by, hee'd act his part 

Better to Life than Doctors of his Art. 

Projections various by hrc he made 

Where Xatu]-e had lier common Treasure laid. 

Some thought the tincture Philosophick lay 

Hatcht by the Mineral Sun in Winthrops wa}^ 

And clear it shines to me he had a Stone 

Grav'd witli Ids Name which he could read alone. 


To say liow like a Scevola at Court, 
Or ancient Consuls Histories report, 
I here forbear, lio])ing some learned Tongue 
AVill quaintly write, and not his Honour wrong. 
His common .Vets ^\'itil brightest lustre shone, 
But in Apollo's Art he vas alone. 
Sometimes Eartlis veins creeping fjom endless holes 
Wouhl stop his plodding eyes : anon the Coals 
Must search his Treasure, conversant in use 
Kot of the Mettals only but the juice. 
Sometimes his wary steps, but wandring too, 
Would carry him the Chrystal Mountains to. 
Where Nature locks her Gems, each costly spark 
Mocking the Stai\s, spher'd in their Cloisters dark. 
Sometimes the Hough, anon the Gardners Spade 
Pie deigned to use, ajid tools of th' Chymick trade. 

His fruits of to}'! Herinetically done 

Stream to the pooi- as light doth from the Sun. 

The lavish Garb of silks, Rich Plush and Rings, • . 

Physicians Livery, at his feet he flings. 

One hand the Bellows holds, by t'other Coals 

Disposes he to hatch the health of Souls; 

Which ]M3-steries this Chiron was more wise 

Than unto ideots to Anatomize ; 

But in a second person ho])es I have 

His Art will live thougli he possess the Grave.^ 

To treat the ^Morals of this Healer Luke 
Were to essay to write a Pentatuke, 
Since all the Law as to the Moral part 
Had its impression iii his spotless heart. 
The vertues shining brightest in his Crown 
Were self depression, scorning all renown; 
Meekness and Justice were together laid 
When any Subject from good order straid. 
Neither did ever Artificial fire 
Boyle up the choler of his temper higher 

1 This is evidently an allusion to Wait Wiuthrop, ^\ho inherited his father's 
taste for the study and practice of medicine. 


Than modest bounds, in Church and Commonwealth 

Who was the Balsome of his Countries Health. 

Europe sure knew his worth who fixt his Name 

Among its glorious Stars of present fame. 

Here lloyal Charles leads up, stands AVinthrope there 

Amono'S the Virtuosi in the Ecar: 

But for his Art with huiKlreds of the rest 

He might be placed in Front and come a Breast. 

Wliat Soul, i]i souldiiigs 'tother side the Serene, 
Witli Souls turn'd Aiiox'ls p^iess we to have been 

o o 

When first his Chariot wheels the threshold felt 
Where Winthrops, Dudleys, Cottons Spirits dwelt ! 
What melting joys are there ! Sorrows below, 
Should adequately from New England flow; 
If Saints be intercessors, heres our hope 
We need not be beholding to the Pope. 
We have as good ourselves, — an honest Brother 
Outvies their Saintship there or any other. 
Now Helinonts lines so learned and abstruse 
Are laid aside and quite cast out of use, 
And Authors which such vast expenses spent 
Lye like liis Corps ; — his Ear is onlj^ lent 
To Heavenly Harmonies, all things his Eye 
Views in the platforme wlience all forms did fly; 
His labours cease for ever, but the fruit 
He reaps at Fountain head without dispute. 

B. Thompson.! 


Since the preceding matter was in type, there have come to light 
copies, in Winthrop's hand, of the two following conveyances made 
by him in 16G6 and 1CT2 : — 

*' These are to testify that I, John Winthrop, of Hartford in the 
Colony of Coriecticut, doe by these presents give, grant and assigne 

^ Benjamin Thompson, who generally wrote his name Tompson, is sometimes 
styled the first native American poet. After graduating at Harvard, in 1GG2, he 
was successively a school-master in Boston, Charlestown, Braintree, and Roxhury, 
but also practised medicine. Among his later productions is an Elegy on Fitz John 
Winthrop in 170S. 

2 Supplement to second edition. 

r" ^Lfii'i/' ^ ^ 

6 384 1